• Title/Summary/Keyword: SUO

검색결과 59건 처리시간 0.024초

B-cell Lymphoma 2 rs17757541 C>G Polymorphism was Associated with an Increased Risk of Gastric Cardiac Adenocarcinoma in a Chinese Population

  • Li, Qiong;Yin, Jun;Wang, Xu;Wang, Li-Ming;Shi, Yi-Jun;Zheng, Liang;Tang, Wei-Feng;Ding, Guo-Wen;Liu, Chao;Liu, Rui-Ping;Gu, Hai-Yong;Sun, Jia-Ming;Chen, Suo-Cheng
    • Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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    • 제14권7호
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    • pp.4301-4306
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    • 2013
  • Aim: Apoptosis has been considered as a fundamental component in cancer pathogenesis, and related genetic factors might play an important role in gastric cardiac adenocarcinoma (GCA) genesis. Methods: We conducted a hospital based case.control study to evaluate the genetic effects of functional single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs): BCL2 rs17757541 C>G, BCL2 rs12454712 T>C, FAS rs2234767 G>A, FASL/FASLG rs763110 C>T, ERBB2 rs1136201 A>G and VEGFR2/KDR rs11941492 C>T on the development of GCA. A total of 243 GCA cases and 476 controls were recruited for the study and genotypes were determined using a custom-by-design 48-Plex SNPscan$^{TM}$ Kit. Results: The BCL2 rs17757541 C>G polymorphism was associated with increased risk of GCA. However, there was no significant associations with the other five SNPs. Stratified analyses indicated a significantly increased risk of GCA associated with the BCL2 rs17757541 C>G polymorphism among males, older patients and those with a history of smoking or drinking. Conclusion: These findings indicated that the functional polymorphism BCL2 rs17757541 C>G might contribute to GCA susceptibility. However, our results were limited by small sample size. Future larger studies are required to confirm our current findings.

In Vitro and In Vivo Studies of Different Liposomes Containing Topotecan

  • Hao, Yan-Li;Deng, Ying-Jie;Chen, Yan;Wang, Xiu-Min;Zhong, Hai-Jun;Suo, Xu-Bin
    • Archives of Pharmacal Research
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    • 제28권5호
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    • pp.626-635
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    • 2005
  • Liposome as a carrier of topotecan (TPT), a promising anticancer drug, has been reported in attempt to improve the stability and antitumor activity of TPT. However, the biodistr ibution pattern of TPT liposome in vivo and PEG-modified liposome containing TPT have not been studied systemically. In this paper, the in vitro stability and in vivo biodistribution behavior of several liposomes containing TPT with different lipid compositions and PEG-modification were studied. Compared with the 'fluid' liposome (S-Lip) composed of soybean phosphatidylcholine (SPC), the 'solid' liposome (H-Lip) composed of hydrogenated soybean phosphatidylcholine HSPC decreased the leaking efficiency of TPT from liposome and enhanced the stability of liposome in fetal bovine serum (FBS) or human blood plasma (HBP). The results of biodistribution studies in S$_{180}$ tumor-bearing mice showed that liposomal encapsulation increased the concentrations of total TPT and the ratio of lactone form in plasma. Compared with free TPT, S-Lip and H-Lip resulted in 5- and 19- fold increase in the area under the curve (AUC$_{0\rightarrow\propto}$), respectively. PEG- modified H-Lip (H-PEG) showed 3.7-fold increase in AUC$_{0\rightarrow\propto}$ compared with H-Lip, but there was no significant increase in t$_{1/2}$ and AUC$_{0\rightarrow\propto}$ for PEG-modified S-Lip (S-PEG) compared with S-Lip. Moreover, the liposomal encapsulation changed the biodistribution behavior, and H-Lip and H-PEG dramatically increased the accumulation of TPT in tumor, and the relative tumor uptake ratios were 3.4 and 4.3 compared with free drug, respectively. There was also a marked increase in the distribution of TPT in lung when the drug was encapsulated into H-Lip and H-PEG. Moreover, H-PEG decreased the accumulation of TPT in bore marrow compared with unmodified H-Lip. All these results indicated that the membrane fluidity of liposome has an important effect on in vitro stability and in vivo biodistribution pattern of liposomes containing TPT, and PEG-modified 'solid' liposome may be an efficient carrier of TPT.

우리나라 주요 국제항에 입항하는 일본 기원 선박의 평형수내 환경 및 부유생물 특성 (Characteristics of environmental condition and planktonic organisms in ship's ballast water originating from international ports of Japan)

  • 장풍국;백승호;장민철;현봉길;신경순
    • 한국산학기술학회논문지
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    • 제17권9호
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    • pp.245-252
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    • 2016
  • 본 연구는 우리나라 주요 국제항에 입항하는 일본기원의 선박을 대상으로 선박평형수내 환경 및 부유생물의 특성을 파악하여 선박평형수 처리장치(BWTS) 면제 협상을 위한 기초자료를 확보하고자 하였다. 조사된 22척의 선박 중 평형수의 보관 기간은 큐슈와 세토 내만(지역 "A")에서 평균 $3.33{\pm}1.87days$로 가장 짧았다. 총부유물질의 농도는 $4.60{\sim}60.9mg\;L^{-1}$의 범위를 보였고, 용존성 및 입자성 유기물질은 각각 $0.97{\sim}2.69mg\;L^{-1}$, $0.24{\sim}4.51mg\;L^{-1}$의 범위를 나타내었다. 영양염 농도는 동경만을 포함한 지역 "C"에서 높았고, 지역 "A"에서 낮은 평균값을 보였다. 엽록소-a 평균 농도는 $0.40{\pm}0.56{\mu}g\;L^{-1}$로 나타났고, $1{\mu}g\;L^{-1}$ 이상의 높은 값은 지리적으로 우리나라와 가까운 지역 "A"로 집중되었다. 식물플랑크톤의 개체수가 > $50,000cells\;L^{-1}$의 선박평형수는 22척 중 4척으로 나타났고, 이 중 3척이 지역 "A" 기원으로 파악되었다. 특히, Tokyuyama 만에서는 유해유독미세조류로 잘 알려진 와편모그룹의 종이 높은 밀도로 관찰되었다. 본 연구 결과, 일본과의 BWTS 면제권 협상은 신중하게 접근할 필요성이 있다고 판단된다.

Analysis of Barrage Culture and User Analysis in New Media Content in the Chinese Market

  • Pan, Yang;Kim, KiHong;Li, SuoWen
    • International Journal of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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    • 제14권3호
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    • pp.115-130
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    • 2022
  • Barrage is an interactive method based on video, and the video itself is visualized from the viewer's point of view to play people's emotions, and it already has an advantage in communication by attracting people's attention using stories and plays. Advances in digital and mobile technology have enabled video viewing anytime, anywhere. Due to the nature of the barrage site that relies on the same video content or playback to participate in video sharing through computers or mobile clients, a barrage that can express users' feelings and thoughts will be added, breaking down the limit of content acceptance by a single user. Barrage satisfy users' entertainment needs, and their influence is growing. Gradually, they are heading to offline movie theaters and TV from barrage videos on the Internet. Attempts to function as offline ammunition facilitated technological innovation for media convergence by converging mobile media with PCs and screens. At the same time, the trend of media convergence shown by coal screens is also a trend of overall technological development. A barrage is an extension of human communication skills. The properties of the barrage fit well with the need for experiential marketing (via video). It can provide a visual experience and create an atmosphere of "surrounding and watching" and eliminate loneliness. Barrage itself provides a function to comment on videos, which is a trigger point for the reason, and donation adds to the amount of information in the video, adding to the fun of the video. Through the barrage, sarcastic, teasing, and expressing emotions can bring entertainment experiences, and users can produce and communicate their shooting text while consuming the satisfaction brought by the shooting. At the same time, Barrage attaches great importance to the needs of the masses, is more individual and diversified, and has commercial significance in line with the current development trend of the Internet. As a new interactive method, barrage contains huge potential value. However, the impact of the interactive way of barrage should also be viewed from a dialectical point of view, how to solve the difficulties in the development of barrage. The way to solve the difficulties in the development of barrage is worth studying. This research will analyze the reasons for the development of barrage and the analysis of Chinese barrage websites, the case analysis of barrage videos, the exploration of the characteristics and values of barrage, and the problems in the process of barrage communication. Provide reference for the development of industrial culture.

한대(漢代) 이전의 의적(醫籍)을 통한 '포제(炮制)'의 연구 (A Study on processing of medicinal on medical books of before Han(漢)dynasty)

  • 김성철;하홍기;김기욱
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
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    • 제24권4호
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    • pp.157-174
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    • 2011
  • We derived following result by organizing research about processing of medicinal of before Han(漢) dynesty. The human being intake of natural substance for the purpose of treatment was what happened later than the use of natural substance as food. According to the record of by the early years of Shang(商) dynasty, we can assume that we cooked food with water and fire. The reason why there is no appearance of common production that can be included under the name of 'Tang Ye(湯液)' in the medical record discovered from Ma Wang Dui(馬王堆) is because 'Tang Ye' was yet developed. However, as the presentation of format of medicine process, there was gradual formation of medicinal fluid concept. There are quite of records on major details of cloth manufacture like washing and selection, grinding, processing of medicine from the recordings of "Wu Shi Er Bing Fang(五十二病方)", "Yang Sheng Fang(養生方)", "Za Liao Fang(雜療方)" discovered at Ma Wang Dui. It used words like 'Ze(擇)', 'Qu(去)' for the selection and 'Jiu(酒)', 'Zhuo(濯)' for the wash as a process method before cloth manufacture. When filter the processed medicine, it used words like 'Zhuo(捉)', 'Suo(索)', 'Jun(浚)' and used 'Yin Gan(陰乾)', 'Bao(暴)', 'Yang(暘)' for dry. The 'cutting(切削)' that crushes the medicine used different names based on the properties of medicines. The most frequent crush is 'Ye(冶)' and it means the powered medicine after dry. There was thermal process of mild fire(微火) and heating of 'Wen(溫)'. There are many states of medicine seen from the medical record discovered at Ma Wang Dui so they can be said as original medicine. 藥末劑 is relatively commercialized type then. Here, it includes later 湯劑 but there was no name such as 'decoction(湯)' or 'decoction of medical ingredients(湯液)'. Also, 'Fu Ju(㕮咀)' is the transformation of what was 'Fu Qie(父且)' at "Ja Liao Fang" of medical books of Ma Wang Dui with time flow. The original meaning of 'Fu Qie(父且)' is 'Fu Zu(斧俎)' and it means the crushing medicine with axe. The most important thing among the medical books of Han dynasty is "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing(神農本草經)" and "Shang Han Za Bing Lun(傷寒雜病論)" of Zhang Zhong Jing(張仲景). "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing" mentioned the dry method of medicine, collection and process production time, cooked and uncooked use of medicine and there are several types of medicine. Other than those, it mentioned 'Seven methods of combining herbs(七情合和)' to address cautions for combining medicines. Therefore, the 'processing of medicinal' in east Han dynasty period entered the theoretical step. However, there is only little recording on cloth manufacture of detailed medicine. From the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun" of Zhang Zhong Jing, the development in the way of 'processing of medicinal' reveled the cloth manufacture for each medicine. This tradition is continued until today and so it presents the development of purpose of 'processing of medicinal' is to greatly present the effect of medicine and to reduce the side-effect.

서울시인구(市人口)의 출생(出生).사망(死亡) 양상(樣相)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究) (On Pattern of Birth and Death in Seoul City)

  • 권이혁;김태용;박형종;구도서;이용욱;박순영
    • Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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    • 제1권1호
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    • pp.9-23
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    • 1968
  • A survey was conducted by the staff of the College of Medicine and School of Public Health, Seoul National University in cooperation with Seoul Special City from 1 December 1967 through 28 February 1968, on such events as delivery, death, abortion and pregnancy. The survey directed to a total population of 47,811 residing in 9,157 households led us to the following findings: 1. Two year averages of crude birth rate, crude death rate and natural increase rate were 30.1, 5.6 and 24.5, respectively. 2. Of all deliveries, home and hospital deliveries constituted 61.1 per cent and 35.5 per cent, respectively. 3. Deliveries other than hospital deliveries were found to be attended more often by mother-in-laws (26.5 per cent) than by doctors or midwives(23.4 per cent). 4. About 51 per cent of all women having experiences in pregnancy during the last two years had an experience of consulting a doctor at least one time throughout whole period of pregnancy. 5. In most cases scissors were used to cut umbilical cords, of which 71.0 per cent were not sterilized and only 20.3 per cent sterilized. 6. In many cases placenta was incinerated(48.2 per cent) and on many other occasions it was thrown away into water(28.3 per cent). 7. Cement bags(37.4 per cent), gauze and absorbent cotton(29.8 per cent) were found to be most frequently used to receive new-born babies. 8. In 1966 8. 8 per cent of the women had at least one abortion induced and in 1967 the percentage was 9.2 per cent. 9. Nearly all(95.8 per cent) of the induced abortions reportedly were done at doctor's clinics. 10. Of all the abortions induced 65.3 per cent were done by specialists in obstetrics, 30.3 per cent by general practitioners and 2.7 per cent by midwives. 11. Those who experienced spontaneous abortions were 1.9 per cent of all women both in 1966 and 1967. 12. About 9.2 per cent of women investigated were found to be currently pregnant. 13. Age specific death rate turned out to be highest among those under 1 year of age. 14. Ten major causes of death in their order of frequency were: 15. Places of death can be classified into homes(75.3 per cent) and hospitals(13.2 per cent). 16. Method of disposing of corpses comprised burials(54.2 per cent) and cremations(44.6 per cent). 17. Infant, neonatal and hebdomadal mortality rates have been computed at 32.2, 18.9 and 13.7, respectively. 18. Infants were found to have died either at homes(81.5 per cent) or at hospitals(18.5 per cent). 19. Birth registrations had been done for about 18.5 per cent of the dead infants.

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주희(朱熹) 지각론(知覺論)과의 비교를 통해 본 김창협 지각론(知覺論)의 특징 (The Character of Kim Chang Hyup(金昌協)'s Zhi-Jue(知覺) Theory Through Comparison With Zhu Xii(朱熹)'s)

  • 이창규
    • 한국철학논집
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    • 제52호
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    • pp.311-340
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    • 2017
  • 본 논문은 주희(朱熹)와 김창협의 지각론(知覺論)을 비교함으로써 김창협의 지각론(知覺論)이 어떠한 특징을 띄는지 살펴보았다. 주재(主宰)의 측면에서, 주희(朱熹)는 한편으로는 지각(知覺)을 주재(主宰)를 통해 나타난 상태로 여겼고 다른 한편으로는 주재(主宰)를 가능케 하는 주체의 작용으로 여겼다. 김창협은 지각(知覺)이라는 표현을 부각시키는 과정에서 이러한 혼용을 해소하고 지각(知覺)을 한정적인 의미에서 재정의했다. 그는 심(心)의 여러 측면 중에서 주재(主宰)의 주체 측면에 해당하는 작용이 지각(知覺)이며, 주재(主宰)를 가능하게 하는 작용, 혹은 주재(主宰)를 행하는 주체 자체를 지각(知覺)이라고 상정했다. 그리고 지각(知覺)을 성(性)이나 정(情)과 구분하고 지각(知覺)의 작용을 상술함으로써 주재(主宰) 주체로서의 심(心)의 역할을 구체화시켰다. 그러나 지각(知覺)과 성(性)의 구분에서 주체와 본성의 괴리라는 문제가 발생한다. 이는 기(氣)가 리(理)와 별개로 움직인다고 볼 수 있으므로 이기불리(理氣不離)를 침범한다고도 볼 수 있다. 김창협 당대에 제기된 지각(知覺)의 소이연(所以然)이 무엇인가 하는 쟁정은 이 문제를 거론한 것이다. 김창협은 지각(知覺)과 성(性)을 각각 주재(主宰)의 주체와 대상으로 구분하려 했으므로, 한편으로는 소이연(所以然)이 아닌 소당연(所當然)으로서의 성(性)을 강조하고 다른 한편으로는 지각(知覺)의 근거가 기(氣)의 허령(虛靈)함이라고 주장했다. 기(氣)의 허령(虛靈)함으로 근거를 제시하는 것은 지각(知覺)의 소이연(所以然)이 되는 리(理)가 무엇인가 하는 질문에 대한 회피에 가깝다. 또한 성(性)이 소당연(所當然)으로 설정될 경우 지각(知覺)이 성(性)을 갖추고 작용으로 드러날 때는 이기불리(理氣不離)라고 할 수는 있지만 주체인 지각(知覺) 자체는 여전히 성(性)과 구분되므로 이기불리(理氣不離)에 대한 문제제기가 완전히 해결된 것이라고는 할 수 없다. 주희(朱熹)는 지각(知覺)을 지(智)의 용(用)이라고 주장하여 지각(知覺)의 소이연(所以然)을 지(智)로 설정한 것처럼 보이기도 하지만 불교 비판에서 지각(知覺)을 언급할 때는 김창협과 유사하게 성(性)을 지각(知覺)의 소당연(所當然)으로 설정하기도 했다. 주희(朱熹)가 성(性)을 지각(知覺)의 소이연(所以然)으로 설명하려 했는가에 대해서 재고의 여지가 있는 셈이다. 지각(知覺)의 소이연(所以然) 문제에 대한 해명은 주자학의 체계를 공고히 하려 했던 조선 학자들에 의해 심각한 문제로 떠오른 것이다. 지각(知覺)과 본성의 관계에 있어서는 주희(朱熹)와 김창협은 유사한 관계에 있다고도 볼 수 있다. 따라서 지각(知覺)을 주체의 측면에만 한정하고 구체화하려고 한 것만을 김창협 지각론(知覺論)의 특징이라 꼽을 수 있을 것이다.

일본(日本) 의학(醫學)의 '절충파(折衷派)'에 관(關)한 연구(硏究) (A Study on the ' Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) of the Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 동국한의학연구소논문집
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    • 제10권
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    • pp.41-61
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    • 2008
  • The outline and characteristics of the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) are as follows. Part 1. In the late Edo(江戶) period The 'Zhe Zhong Pai', which tried to take the theory and clinical treatment of the 'Hou Shi Pai (後世派)' and the 'Gu Fang Pai(古方派)' and get their strong points to make treatments perfect, appeared. Their point was 'The main part is the art of the ancients, The latter prescriptions are to be used'(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用) and the "Shang Han Lun(傷寒論)" was revered for its treatments but in actual use it was not kept at that. As mentioned above The 'Zhe Zhong Pai' viewed treatments as the base, which was the view of most doctors in the Edo period. However, the reason the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is not valued as much as the 'Gu Fang Pai' by medical history books in Japan is because the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' does not have the substantiation or uniqueness of the 'Gu Fang Pai', and also because the view of 'gather as well as store up'(兼收並蓄) was the same as the 'Kao Zheng Pai'. Moreover, the 'compromise'(折衷) point of view was from taking in both Chinese and western medical knowledge systems(漢蘭折衷). Generally the pioneer of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is seen as Mochizuki Rokumon(望月鹿門) and after that was Fukui Futei(福井楓亭), Wadato Kaku(和田東郭), Yamada Seichin(山田正珍) and Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡). Part 2. The lives of Wada Tokaku(和田東郭), Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪), Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲), the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', are as follows. First Wada Tokaku(和田東郭, 1743-1803) was born when the 'Hou Shi Pai' was already declining and the 'Gu Fang Pai' was flourishing and learned medicine from a 'Hou Shi Pai' doctor, Hu Tian Xu Shan(戶田旭山) and a 'Gu Fang Pai' doctor, Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞). He was not hindered by 'the old ways(古方)' and did not lean towards 'the new ways(後世方)' and formed a way of compromise that 'looked at hardness and softness as the same'(剛柔相摩) by setting 'the cure of the disease' as the base, and said that to cure diseases 'the old way' must be used, but 'the new way' was necessary to supplement its shortcomings. His works include "Dao Shui Suo Yan(導水瑣言)", "Jiao Chiang Fang Yi Je(蕉窗方意解)" and "Yi Xue Sho(醫學說)". Second. Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪, 1744-1833) was famous for leaving Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞) and changing to the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and in his early years used qing fen(輕粉) to cure geisha(妓女) of syphilis. His argument was "the "Shang Han Lun" must be revered but needs to be adapted", "Zhong Jing can be made into a follower but I cannot become his follower", "the later medical texts such as "Ru Men Shi Qin(儒門事親)" should only be used for its prescriptions and not its theories". His works include "Shang Han Lun Yue Yan(傷寒論約言)". Third, Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲, 1701-1735) learned medicine from Qing Shui Xian Sheng(淸水先生) and went out to Edo. In his book "Yi Jing Jie Huo Lun(醫經解惑論)" he tells of how he went from 'learning'(學) to 'skepticism'(惑) and how skepticism made him learn in 'the six skepticisms'(六惑). In the latter years Xi Zhe(希哲) combines the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing(神農本草經)", the main text for herbal medicine, "Ming Tang Jing(明堂經)" of accupuncture, basic theory texts "Huang Dui Nei Jing(皇帝內經)" and "Nan Jing(難經)" with the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun", a book that the 'Gu Fang Pai' saw as opposing to the rest, and became 'an expert of five scriptures'(五經一貫). Part 3. Asada Showhaku(淺田宗伯, 1815-1894) started medicine at Zhong Cun Zhong Zong(中村中倧) and learned 'the old way'(古方) from Yoshimasu Todo and got experience through Ouan Yue(川越) and Fu Jing(福井) and received teachings in texts, history and Wang Yangmin's principles(陽明學) fmm famous teachers. Showhaku(倧伯) meets a medical official of the makufu(幕府), Ben Kang Zong Yuan(本康宗圓), and receives help from the 3 great doctors of the Edo period, Taki Motokato(多紀元堅), Xiao Dao Xue Gu(小島學古) and Xi Duo Cun Kao(喜多村栲窻) and further develops his arts. At 47 he diagnoses the general Jia Mao(家茂) with 'heart failure from beriberi'(脚氣衡心) and becomes a Zheng Shi(徵土), at 51 he cures a minister from France and received a present from Napoleon, at 65 he becomes the court physician and saves Ming Gong(明宮) Jia Ren Qn Wang(嘉仁親王, later the 大正天皇) from bodily convulsions and becomes 'the vassal of merit who saved the national polity(國體)' At the 7th year of the Meiji(明治) he becomes the 2nd owner of Wen Zhi She(溫知社) and takes part in the 'kampo continuation movement'. In his latter years he saw 14000 patients a year, so we can estimate the qualjty and quantity of his clinical skills. Showhaku(宗伯) wrote over 80 books including the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窻書影)", "Wu Wu Yao Shi Fang Han(勿誤藥室方函)", "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)", "Jing Qi Shen Lun(精氣神論)", "Hunag Guo Ming Yi Chuan(皇國名醫傳)" and the "Xian Jhe Yi Hua(先哲醫話)". Especially in the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窻書影) he says "the old theories are the main, and the new prescriptions are to be used"(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用), stating the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' way of thinking, In the first volume of "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)" and "Za Bing Lun Shi(雜病論識)", 'Zong Ping'(總評), He discerns the parts that are not Zhang Zhong Jing's writings and emphasizes his theories and practical uses.

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일본(日本) 의학醫學의 '절충파(折衷派)'에 관(關)한 연구(硏究) (A Study on the 'Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) of the Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
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    • 제20권3호
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    • pp.121-141
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    • 2007
  • The outline and characteristics of the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) are as follows. Part 1. In the late Edo(江戶) period The 'Zhe Zhong Pai', which tried to take the theory and clinical treatment of the 'Hou Shi Pai (後世派)' and the 'Gu Fang Pai (古方派)' and get their strong points to make treatments perfect, appeared. Their point was 'The main part is the art of the ancients, The latter prescriptions are to be used'(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用) and the "Shang Han Lun(傷寒論)" was revered for its treatments but in actual use it was not kept at that. As mentioned above The 'Zhe Zhong Pai ' viewed treatments as the base, which was the view of most doctors in the Edo period, However, the reason the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is not valued as much as the 'Gu Fang Pai' by medical history books in Japan is because the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' does not have the substantiation or uniqueness of the 'Gu Fang Pai', and also because the view of 'gather as well as store up' was the same as the 'Kao Zheng Pai', Moreover, the 'compromise'(折衷) point of view was from taking in both Chinese and western medical knowledge systems(漢蘭折衷), Generally the pioneer of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is seen as Mochizuki Rokumon(望月鹿門) and after that was Fukui Futei(福井楓亭), Wadato Kaku(和田東郭), Yamada Seichin(山田正珍) and Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), Part 2. The lives of Wada Tokaku(和田東郭), Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪), Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲), the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', are as follows First. Wada Tokaku(和田東郭, 1743-1803) was born when the 'Hou Shi Pai' was already declining and the 'Gu Fang Pai' was flourishing and learned medicine from a 'Hou Shi Pai' doctor, Hu Tian Xu Shan(戶田旭山) and a 'Gu Fang Pai' doctor, Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞). He was not hindered by 'the old ways(古方), and did not lean towards 'the new ways(後世方)' and formed a way of compromise that 'looked at hardness and softness as the same'(剛柔相摩) by setting 'the cure of the disease' as the base, and said that to cure diseases 'the old way' must be used, but 'the new way' was necessary to supplement its shortcomings. His works include "Dao Shui Suo Yan", "Jiao Chiang Fang Yi Je" and "Yi Xue Sho(醫學說)" Second. Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪, 1744-1833) was famous for leaving Yoshirnasu Todo(吉益東洞) and changing to the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and in his early years used qing fen(輕粉) to cure geisha(妓女) of syphilis. His argument was "the "Shang Han Lun" must be revered but needs to be adapted", "Zhong jing can be made into a follower but I cannot become his follower", "the later medical texts such as "Ru Men Shi Qin(儒門事親)" should only be used for its prescriptions and not its theories". His works include "Shang Han Lun Yue Yan(傷寒論約言) Third. Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲, 1701-1735) learned medicine from Qing Shui Xian Sheng(淸水先生) and went out to Edo. In his book "Yi Jing Jie Huo Lun(醫經解惑論)" he tells of how he went from 'learning'(學) to 'skepticism'(惑) and how skepticism made him learn in 'the six skepticisms'(六惑). In the latter years Xi Zhe(希哲) combines the "Shen Nong Ben Cao jing(神農本草經)", the main text for herbal medicine, "Ming Tang jing(明堂經)" of accupuncture, basic theory texts "Huang Dui Nei jing(黃帝內徑)" and "Nan jing(難經)" with the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun", a book that the 'Gu Fang Pai' saw as opposing to the rest, and became 'an expert of five scriptures'(五經一貫). Part 3. Asada Showhaku(淺田宗伯, 1815-1894) started medicine at Zhong Cun Zhong(中村中倧) and learned 'the old way'(古方) from Yoshirnasu Todo and got experience through Chuan Yue(川越) and Fu jing(福井) and received teachings in texts, history and Wang Yangmin's principles(陽明學) from famous teachers. Showhaku(宗伯) meets a medical official of the makufu(幕府), Ben Kang Zong Yuan(本康宗圓), and recieves help from the 3 great doctors of the Edo period, Taki Motokato(多紀元堅), Xiao Dao Xue GU(小島學古) and Xi Duo Cun Kao Chuang and further develops his arts. At 47 he diagnoses the general Jia Mao(家茂) with 'heart failure from beriberi'(脚氣衝心) and becomes a Zheng Shi(徵I), at 51 he cures a minister from France and received a present from Napoleon, at 65 he becomes the court physician and saves Ming Gong(明宮) jia Ren Qn Wang(嘉仁親王, later the 大正犬皇) from bodily convulsions and becomes 'the vassal of merit who saved the national polity(國體)' At the 7th year of the Meiji(明治) he becomes the 2nd owner of Wen Zhi She(溫知社) and takes part in the 'kampo continuation movement'. In his latter years he saw 14000 patients a year, so we can estimate the quality and quantity of his clinical skills Showhaku(宗伯) wrote over 80 books including the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窓書影)", "WU Wu Yao Shi Fang Han(勿誤藥室方函)", "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)", "jing Qi Shen Lun(精氣神論)", "Hunag Guo Ming Yi Chuan(皇國名醫傳)" and the "Xian Jhe Yi Hua(先哲醫話)". Especially in the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窓書影)" he says "the old theories are the main, and the new prescriptions are to be used"(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用), stating the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' way of thinking. In the first volume of "Shung Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術) and "Za Bing Lun Shi(雜病論識)", 'Zong Ping'(總評), He discerns the parts that are not Zhang Zhong Jing's writings and emphasizes his theories and practical uses.

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