• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.38 no.4
• /
• pp.1-11
• /
• 2020

Noksan is a green area in the form of a hill located inside Gyeongbokgung Palace, unrecognized as a cultural heritage space. This study analyzed the literature and the actual site to derive its landscape meaning by examining the background for the formation of Noksan and how it changed. As a result, the identity of Noksan was related to the geomagnetic vein, pine forest, and deers, and the following are its landscape meaning. First, several ancient maps, including the 「Map of Gyeongbokgung Palace」 depicted the mountain range continuing from Baegaksan(Bugaksan) Mountain to areas inside Gyeongbokgung Palace, and Noksan is a forest located on the geomantic vein, which continues to Gangnyeongjeon Hall and Munsojeon Hall. On Bukgwoldo(Map of Gyeongbokgung Palace), Noksan is depicted with Yugujeong Pavilion, Namyeogo Storage, office for the manager of Noksan, the brook on north and south, and the wall. It can be understood as a prototypical landscape composed of minimal facilities and the forest. Second, the northern palace walls of Gyeongbokgung Palace were constructed in King Sejong's reign. The area behind Yeonjo(king's resting place) up to Sinmumun Gate(north gate of the palace) was regarded as the rear garden when Gyeongbokgung Palace was constructed. However, a new rear garden was built outside the Sinmumun Gate when the palace was rebuilt. Only Noksan maintained the geomantic vein under the circumstance. However, the geographical features changed enormously during the Japanese colonial era when they constructed a huge official residence in the rear garden outside the Sinmumun Gate and the residence of the governor-general and road in the site of the Blue House. Moreover, Noksan was severed from the foothill of Baegaksan Mountain when 'Cheongwadae-ro(road)' was constructed between the Blue House and Noksan in 1967. Third, the significant characteristics and conditions of the forest, which became the origin of Noksan, were identified based on the fact that the geomatic state of the northeastern side of Gyeongbokgung Palace, the naecheongnyong area in geomantic terms(the innermost 'dragon vein' among the veins that stretched out from the central mountain toward the left side), and they planted pine trees to reinforce the 'ground vein' and the fact that it was expressed as the 'Pine Field' before the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. The pine forest, mixed with oaks, cherries, elms, and chestnuts, identified through the excavation investigation, can be understood as the original vegetation landscape. Noksan's topography changed; a brook disappeared due to mounding, and foreign species such as acacia and ornamental juniper were planted. Currently, pine trees' ratio decreased while the forest is composed of oaks, mixed deciduous trees, some ailanthus, and willow. Fourth, the fact the name, 'Noksan,' came from the deer, which symbolized spirit, longevity, eternal life, and royal authority, was confirmed through an article of The Korea Daily News titled 'One of the seven deers in Nokwon(deer garden) in Gyeongbokgung Palace starved to death.'

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.35
• /
• pp.331-358
• /
• 2020

This paper is a study of Kim Si-seup's maniacal tendency. The properties of mania can be divided into two categories. One is mental mania wherein the mind has fallen into madness, and the other is morphological mania wherein madness is revealed in real world actions. This thesis analyzes two aspects of the madness of Kim Si-seup, who showed madness in the morphological dimension as well as madness of the mind in the Joseon Dynasty. One notion that is analyzed is 'Longing to never return', and the other is 'To live in obscurity, yet practice wonders.' Kim Si-seup was a promising talent when he was young and was a so-called "infant prodigy." However, when 'Saejo' took the throne of 'Danjong,' he left the house on the road to 'burn all the books' and became a monk as a way of disappearing from the world. Thereafter, Kim Si-seup gave up on the test to become a bureaucrat and lived in hiding while doing strange things while he falsely pretended to be "crazy." He never felt regret hearing others describe him as a strange person. He lived a life of not returning to the mundane world for a long time as he traveled through famous mountains and streams. Also, he pursued a life in 'the world outside the world' without any greed. Sometimes he expresses his own free spirit and madness through poetry with 'what he talks about' and 'wonderful words.' This life was far from a form of neutralization aesthetics achieved by pursuing a 'gentle and magnanimous' life as claimed by Confucian scholars. Kim Si-seup, sometimes referred to as 'a maniac with mental clarity,' directed his efforts at 'false maniacal behavior,' 'weird behavior,' 'life pursuing the world outside the world,' and 'life of breaking off one's relationship with the world.' This maniac-like life of Kim Si-seup was not crazy but conveyed a deep desire to criticize the absurd reality of Joseon society at the time. Regarding Kim Si-seup, Li Hwang criticizes him for wishing 'to live in obscurity yet practice wonders.' Unlike Li Hwang, Yi Yi, who wrote The Records of Kim Si-seup when commissioned to do so by Sun Jo, positively evaluated Kim Si-seup as "a Confucian who followed Buddhism." Although the contents of these evaluations of Kim Si-seup were different, both agreed that Kim Si-seup was a maniacally-oriented individual. Kim Si-seup, who was mentally maniacal and morphological maniacal, represents a unique case in the study history of the Joseon Dynasty, wherein the 'the doctrines of Zhu Zi' exerted great influence.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
• /
• v.4
• /
• pp.13-37
• /
• 2022

Even before recorded history, the Korean people took ginseng. Later, poetry passed down from China developed into a literary style in which intellectuals from the Silla, Goryeo, and Joseon Dynasties expressed their thoughts concisely. The aim of this paper is to find Korean poems related to ginseng and to look for their semantic network. To this end, "Korea Classical DB ", produced by the Institute for the Translation of Korean Classics, was searched to find ginseng poems. As the result of a search in November 2021, two poems from the Three Kingdoms Period, two poems from the Goryeo Dynasty, and 23 poems from the Joseon Dynasty were searched. An examination of these poems found that the first ginseng poem was "Goryeoinsamchan," which was sung by people in Goguryeo around the 6th century. Ginseng poetry during the Goryeo Dynasty is represented by Anchuk's poem. Anchuk sang about the harmful effects of ginseng tributes from a realistic point of view. Ginseng poetry in the Joseon Dynasty is represented by Seo Geo-jeong in the early period and Jeong Yakyong in the late period. Seo Geo-jeong's ginseng poem is a romantic poem that praises the mysterious pharmacological effects of ginseng. A poem called "Ginseng" by Yongjae Seonghyeon is also a romantic poem that praises the mysterious medicinal benefits of ginseng. As a scholar of Realist Confucianism, Dasan Jeong Yak-yong wrote very practical ginseng poems. Dasan left five ginseng poems, the largest number written by one poet. Dasan tried ginseng farming himself and emerged from the experience as a poet. The story of the failure and success of his ginseng farming was described in his poems. At that time, ginseng farming was widespread throughout the country due to the depletion of natural ginseng and the development of ginseng farming techniques after the reign of King Jeongjo. Since the early 19th century, ginseng farming had been prevalent on a large scale in the Gaeseong region, and small-scale farming had also been carried out in other regions. What is unusual is Kim Jin-soo's poem. At that time, in Tong Ren Tang, Beijing (the capital of the Qing Dynasty), ginseng from Joseon sold well under the "Songak Sansam" brand. Kim Jin-Soo wrote about this brand of ginseng in his poem. In 1900, Maecheon Hwanghyeon also created a ginseng poem, written in Chinese characters. Thus, the semantic network of Korean ginseng poems is identified as follows: 1) Ginseng poetry in the spirit of the people - Emerging gentry in the Goryeo Dynasty (Anchuk). 2) Romantic ginseng poetry - Government School in the early Joseon Dynasty (Seo Geo-jeong, Seonghyeon, etc.). 3) Practical ginseng poetry - Realist School in the late Joseon Dynasty (Jeong Yak-yong, Kim Jin-soo, Hwang Hyun, etc.). This semantic network was extracted while examining the development of Korean ginseng poems.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.55 no.1
• /
• pp.243-263
• /
• 2022

The royal court of Joseon had a tradition of mounting the Irworobongdo, a painting of the sun, the moon and the five sacred peaks, symbols of the king's immortal presence and authority, on a folding screen and placing it in special spaces within the palace that were reserved for the king. While the Irworobongdo is generally accepted as the important ceremonial object of the royal palaces of Joseon, there have been few studies on the various folding screens used in the royal palaces, largely because the official records about such screens do not match the remaining original relics. In this study, the main discussion is focused on the diversity of the shapes and mounting materials of the Irworobongdoused for various ceremonies held in the royal palaces of Joseon based on the Uigwe, the official records of the royal protocols of the Joseon dynasty. The discussion also extends to the theme rarely studied so far, namely the original form of the Irworobongdo and its evolution in the following period. The ceremonial "five peak" folding screens (Obongbyeong) used at a number of important palace buildings, including the crown hall (Jeongjeon), royal funerary hall (Binjeon), spirit hall (Honjeon) and portrait shrine (Jinjeon), differed in shape and size from the folding screens used in royal celebratory events such as banquets, although the paintings themselves and the style of mounting them were essentially the same. The paintings were mounted on screens bordered with green silk and ornamented with floral gilt designs. The folding screens used in royal ceremonies were produced according to strict guidelines that required the ceremonies and mounting materials to be graded on the basis of the status of each screen. It was not until the 1960s that these ceremonial folding screens of the Joseon dynasty, which had been neglected during the period of Japanese colonial rule of Korea, began to undergo conservation treatment provided as part of a heritage preservation program. Unfortunately, many of the screens repaired in this period lost some of their original features - largely due to the use of non-traditional mounting techniques. Considering, however, that significant achievements have since been made in the heritage preservation field based on the use of historical evidence, it is now necessary to systematically use the repair history of the information about the remaining royal ceremonial folding screens to ensure that they are preserved and managed more effectively in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.40 no.1
• /
• pp.55-64
• /
• 2022

This study aims to shed light on the cultural history of Hajodae(河趙臺) enjoyed by writers of the Joseon Dynasty by analyzing the origin and the contents of the landscape based on the literature materials of Hajodae in Yangyang(襄陽). The results of the study are as follows. First, Hajodae is a space that is said to have been visited by Ha Ryun(河崙) and Jo Jun(趙浚). However, since this story has not been confirmed in the literature, various opinions coexisted in history. Jo Wi-Han(趙緯韓) quoted the opinions of aged people who lived in Yangyang, saying that it could be Jo In-Byeok(趙仁壁), not Jo Jun(趙浚), and Jo Deok-Rin(趙德鄰) recorded it as "遐眺臺", which means "a stand for a distance view." There is a need to clearly present the origin of Hajodae by revealing the literary authority. Second, Hajodae was talked about as the best scenic site in Gwandong(關東) in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. during the mid-Joseon Dynasty. The writers of the time mentioned Hajodae as one of the best scenic sites in Gwandong, which soon became a symbol of Yangyang. These records of Hajodae show a relatively decreasing trend entering the late Joseon Dynasty. It is believed to be the result of the slight degrading in the status of Hajodae as the Eight Views of Gwandong were established and Naksansa Temple(洛山寺) gained fame. Third, the writers of Joseon enjoyed the scenic sites through various landscapes of Hajodae. The open terrain on three sides allowed a sea view and provided an opportunity to develop a great spirit or to reflect on oneself. On the other hand, the strange rock formations and cliffs, which correspond to a close-up view, drew the attention of tourists, and the Rosa rugosa Thunb. blooming in the Hajodae area was enough to show a bizarre charm. This shows the various charms of Hajodae, suggesting that the management of such landscape is necessary. Fourth, a Chinese poem about Hajodae shows the spatial meaning of Hajodae. Looking into all sides of the Chinese poem about Hajodae, a case of unburdening one's mind on the landscape, and the aspect a person compared oneself to the natural landscape or projected one's consciousness onto it, and a case of recalling Ha Ryun and Jo Jun, illustrious retainers in the early Joseon Dynasty are confirmed. It can be seen that it results in the aspect of expressing one's impressions and looking back on history through the landscape.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
• /
• v.7 no.4
• /
• pp.273-280
• /
• 2021

GangAm Song Sungyong (1913~1999) was from Gimje, Jeollabuk-do. And he is a calligrapher from the last Confucian scholar of the 20th century and a writer of poetry, calligraphy, and painting. While wearing a topcoat and hanbok for the rest of his life, he approached the study, thought, and calligraphy art of Yoo Jae Song Kimyeon and Kojae Lee Byungeun from the perspective of 'GucheSinyong'. And he kept the philosophical subjectivity that tries to maintain character and a right mind. It was based on 'Guche', which is a faithful succession to the reverence of the old. When I was young, I practiced Mibul and Dong Kichang with Gu Yangsun as the center, and Hwang Jeonggyeon, Hanye, Oh Heejae, and Sojeon typefaces were grafted together during the national exhibition. Then, in 1965 (age 53), he moved to Jeonju, and learned several typefaces such as Chusa typeface on his own, creating a Gangam typeface without any obstacles. And he created 'Sinyong' with Windy Bamboo painting, which embodied strange and unconventional meanings. In addition, he re-established his identity by reexamining the fundamental spirit and natural aesthetics of calligraphy, and based on this, he greatly contributed to expanding the aesthetics of modern calligraphy and painting art by pursuing an aesthetic that explores novelty. In particular, Windy Bamboo painting has strong abstraction based on the principle of 'drawing the will'. And, in terms of discipline, the ethical aesthetic of Express Tao with pictures (畵以載道), which expresses the high level of elegance of observing small things in a big way, based on deep research on the logic of things and fulfilling human nature. By implementing it, Tao and Art become one. The Jeonbuk calligraphy group achieved the greatest prosperity in the Gangam era, and at the end of the 20th century, it entered a period of revival as it established itself as the central calligraphy group of Korean calligraphy.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
• /
• v.26 no.3
• /
• pp.189-219
• /
• 2020

This study is an analysis of Handol Heung-Gun Lee's Tarae, which is a coinage combining the Korean words for "playing an instrument" and "song", in terms of narrative and aesthetics. The components for analysis are the phenomena and nature of binary oppositions between nature and human beings, between alienation and interest, between division and unification, and between diaspora and people of the national community. Tarae in the period from the late 1970s to the early 1990s described the experience of pain and loss from non-resistance and disobedience in protest against social problems that emerged during the era of miliary dictatorship, such as industrialization, urbanization, reckless development, Westernization, university-oriented education, the gap between rich and poor, human alienation, and the conflicts arising from the division of the nation. After Handol overcame the lack of creative motivation with self-reflection and effort, Tarae took the form of a diaspora epic meta-narratives integrating the "sound of nature and his true nature" and "the awareness of diaspora and the spirit of the Korean people". The epics of the homeland, the national soil and the people, which began with "Teo", became more intense in terms of a sense of diaspora as they shifted their focus from an origin to a path with "Hanmoejulghi" as the turning point. Handol seeks inspiration in the source of narrative rather than in music. His Tarae focuses on "adding rhythm for lyrics". For this reason, the semiotic features of Tarae have a limitation in that its extrinsic phonology is simple even if its intrinsic meaning (i.e., emotion of sadness) is profound and subtle. In order to elicit sympathy from the audience and impress them, it is necessary to strike a balance between the implicit (semantic) part and the explicit (phonological) part. To share the emotion of sadness with more people, it is necessary to strengthen phonological elements. Sympathy for sadness and deep impression on the audience are more often induced by the mood of similar sentiments than by the stories of the same experience. The aesthetics of sadness in Tarae began with the narratives of past experience which were expressed in the contexts of loss, loneliness, and poverty that Handol had experienced since childhood. However, the aesthetics of sadness, deepened over the period of a long hiatus in Handol's career as a composer, formed the narratives of ultimate salvation, embodying even the diaspora experience of others (e.g., displaced people, overseas adoptees, ethnic Koreans in Russia, victims of Japanese military sexual slavery, etc.). This gave Tarae the potential to go beyond the limits of the ethnic group of Korea. Tarae, as a "dispersed sound", can benefit from the appeal of deep sadness at the point of contact with other forms of world music. It may form a global diaspora discourse because Tarae is oriented towards interculturalism rather than anti-multiculturalism. The future challenge and goal of Handol's Tarae would be to continue to find areas of sympathy and broaden the horizon of awareness as diaspora music.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
• /
• v.26 no.1
• /
• pp.175-209
• /
• 2020

This paper examines how the cinematic representation of the Japanese military "comfort women" stimulates 'imagination' in the realm of everyday life and in the memory of the masses, creating a common awareness and affect. The history of the Japanese military "comfort women" was hidden for a long time, and it was not until the 1990s that it entered the field of public recognition. Such a transition can be attributed to the external and internal chronopolitics that made possible the testimony of the victims and the discourse of the "comfort women" issue. It shows the peculiar status of the comfort women history as 'politics of time'. In the same vein, the cinematic representations of the Japanese military "comfort women" can be found in similar chronopolitics. The 'comfort women' films have shown the dual time frame of the continuity and discontinuity of the 'silence'. In Korean film history, the chronotope of the reproduction of "comfort women" can be divided into four phases: 1) the fictional representations of "comfort women" before the 1990s 2) documentaries in the late 1990s as the work of testimony and history writing, 3) melodramatic transformation in the feature films in the 2000s, and 4) the diffusion of media and categories. The purpose of this article is to focus on the first phase and the third phase in which the issue of 'comfort women' is represented in the category of popular fiction films. While the "comfort women" representations before 1990 were strictly adhering to the framework of commercial movies and pursued the sexual exploitation of "comfort women" history, the recent films since the 2000s are experimenting with various attempts in the style of popular imagination. Especially, the emergence of 'comfort women' feature films in the 2000s, such as Spirit's Homecoming, I Can Speak, and Herstory, raise various questions as to whether we are "properly" aware of issues and how to remember and present the "cultural memory" of comfort women. Also, focusing on the cinematic representation strategies of the 2000s "comfort women", this article discusses the popular politics of melodrama, the representation of victims and violence, and the feature of 'comfort women' as meta-memory. As a melodramatic imagination and meta-memory for the historical trauma, the "comfort women" drama shows the historical, political, and aesthetic gateways to which the "comfort women" problem must pass. As we have seen in recent fiction films, the issue of "comfort women" goes beyond transnational relations between Korea and Japan; it demands a postcolonial task to dismantle the old colonial structure and explores a transnational project in which women's movements and human rights movements are linked internationally.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.55 no.2
• /
• pp.50-64
• /
• 2022

This thesis is a study on the woodblock of Donguibogam by Jeolla Gamyeong(Wanyoung Woodblock). It was registered as a tangible cultural property in Jeollabuk-do in 2005. The purpose of this article is to determine the current status and value of the Donguibogam Wanyoung Woodblock. Jeonju Hyanggyo's Wanyoung Woodblock was used to print books in Gamyeong, Jeolla Province. Currently, ten kinds of woodblocks are preserved. In 1987, a wooden bookshelf was installed and preserved in "Jangpangak" of Jeonju Hyanggyo. It is now preserved and managed at Chonbuk National University Museum. Among the ten woodblocks, the Wanyoung woodblock of Donguibogam is presumed to be a woodblock of a book printed by Jeolla Gamyeong in 1814. The value of Donguibogam has long been recognized domestically and internationally. Donguibogam, compiled in 1610, was first published in 1613 in the wood type of Gaeju Gapinja. Following its publication, its value was recognized not only in Joseon but also in China and Japan. In 2009, the first edition of Donguibogam was registered as a UNESCO World Heritage. Accordingly, Donguibogam has been recognized for various aspects, but little research has been conducted on the woodblocks that printed Donguibogam. Therefore, this paper analyzes the current status of the Wanyoung woodblock of Donguibogam, aiming to enhance its meaning and value. King Seonjo presented the ideals of public health care and preventive medicine when compiling Donguibogam, which was distributed according to his instructions. For this reason, the first edition of Donguibogam was registered as a UNESCO World Heritage. It can be said that the production of Donguibogam woodblocks was an important tool in realizing Joseon's ideals through national dissemination. Furthermore, the woodblock of Donguibogam represents the spirit of thinking about the people, going beyond the purpose of printing, and it was meaningful in the spread of medical knowledge among the people. In this article, I will examine the overall contents of the Wanyoung woodblock of Donguibogam to enhance its meaning and value. The results show that the Wanyoung woodblock of Donguibogam is meaningful in that it is almost the only one produced and stored by Gamyeong. Moreover, Wanyoung woodblocks are meaningful in that perfect editions could be preserved and disseminated for a long time, unlike other wood-type prints.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Floral Art and Design
• /
• no.44
• /
• pp.33-51
• /
• 2021

This thesis analyzes the formal characteristics of Dutch flower still life from the 17th century to the early 18th century and looks into the relevance with the Dutch art market from a macro perspective. The 17th Flower Still Life is to represent social hierarchy in that as the imported exotic, recherch items, the flowers were classified in the terms of their rarity and expensiveness. For this intriguing research, the subject is circumscribed to a vase of flowers, which is the quintessence of In the form of various Dutch Flower Still Life. Dutch society in the early 17th century was centered on the civilian class engaged in trade and commerce, which allowed them to purchase art works to show off their wealth, economic benefits and satisfaction of aesthetic tastes. Among them, the popularity of flower still life was related to the concentrated demand for rare flowers from the new continent. Accordingly, exact depiction and sense of the three dimensional manner were highly regarded in the early flower still life. For the tastes of the wealthy citizens who succeeded in business, the identity of flowers and the actual screen were considered as important. However, after the mid 17th century, economic growth in the Netherlands put an end, and the art market was also on a downward path. The demand class of flower still life has gotten farther away from the spirit of businessmen and has changed into city aristocrats who were stable rentiers. Their tastes laid emphasis on subjective sensibility, which meant that aristocratic, asymmetric, and dramatic chiaroscuro were preferred rather than being realistic. Furthermore, in the 18th century illusionistic realism was abandoned as an expression method of the planar characteristics and a new era in the floral still life was ushered with the reinforcement of decorative effect. From this perspective, it is not an exaggeration to say that romanticism, which is thought of as the beginning of Contemporary Art, originated from the aesthetic taste of Dutch civic culture.