• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.201-243
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• 2018

Understanding the theory of how a religion accepts the perspective on death is a prerequisite to grasp the identity and characteristics of such religion. Furthermore, contemplating the perspective on death, itself has a significant meaning as the contemplation provides an insight on how religion has, currently is and how it would influence the practical life of the human race. This current study compares and analyzes the perspective on death accepted by New Religions of Jeungsan, Confucianism and Taoism. By comparing the perspectives on death, this study seeks to conclude the similarity and discrepancy of New Religions of Jeungsan, Confucianism and Taoism. The objective of this study is to summarize the religious characteristic and identity of New Religions of Jeungsan, and the social role of New Religions of Jeungsan. How does New Religions of Jeungsan preach afterlife? This question implies varieties of questions including: In what shape or form does human exist in afterlife?; Does human maintain their original identity in afterlife?; What happens to relations with family members in afterlife?; What is one's role in afterlife, and what would one experience in afterlife? or Does soul transmigrate or are reborn? This current study compares the answers to these questions one by one with Confucianism and Taoism.In general, this current study was conducted with a non-religious methodology. Death can be explained in three different domains: the psychological domain explaining the individual psychological awareness upon encountering death; the philosophical-religious domain explaining the death through the philosophical understanding of the human concept; and the socio-cultural domain explaining death through the social ceremonies upon death.This current study focuses on the philosophical domain of the perspective on death accepted by New Religions of Jeungsan, with a comparison of the socio-cultural significance. To understand the perspective on death preached by New Religions of Jeungsan, It is indispensable to explain the five key elements of Hon(魂), Baek (魄), Shin(神), Young(靈) and Seon(仙) that construe death. The perspective on death preached by New Religions of Jeungsan imposes a multi layer of acceptance and overcoming. This current study complements the problems and limits of previous studies by comparison with Confucianism and Taoism. Throughout this process, this current study intends to highlight the key elements of the perspective on death preached by Deasunjinrihoe, and identify the aspects of each key element. With the sophisticated discussion of the perspective on death provided by New Religions of Jeungsan with clarity, this current study will provide grounds for future studies to extract, in detail, the aspects of the perspective on death preached by New Religions of Jeungsan, in further subjects including: discussions on death such as rituals for death, treatment of bodies, funerals, educating death, euthanasia, or suicide; discussions on the existence of hell; discussions on psychological aspects of ones who encounter death; or discussions on rebirth of those who died during the creation era. This current study will provide an overview on what kind of perspective on death does those who are faithful to New Religions of Jeungsan have and currently are living their life with.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.359-392
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• 2020

In this paper, we examined the development of Chinese Taoist architecture, its cultural implications, and comprehensively summarized the core principles of the Taoist ecological ideas that are reflected in Taoist architecture. This is a groundwork for exploring an ideological model for sustainable ecological architecture in modern cities. Taoist architecture has a long history that has led to changes, developments, and a gradual maturation. Zhi (治), Lu (廬), and Jing (靖), were the first architectural forms of the early Taoist body. These formed the basis for the future development of Taoist Courts (宮觀). The state-sponsored government-run Taoist Courts established from the time of the North and South Dynasties to the time of Tang Dynasty led to a constant standardization of the rites, and these Courts gradually became more and more formalized. Since the establishment of Quanzhenjiao (全眞敎) in the early 12th century, a movement that emphasized putiy training, architecture for the ascetic practice emerged in remote natural spaces suitable for strict ascetic practices. Meanwhile, in Taoist architecture, the type and structure of buildings were strengthened in order to worship various gods. The various Taoist Courts established through this historical process embody the elements, institutions, and ecological ideas of Taoist culture. Taoist architecture basically pursued the idealism of Paradise in a Deep Cave (洞天福地) and adopted a feng-shui theory of using natural terrain artfully in selecting a place and building a layout. This was reflected through their ecology. Meanwhile, Taoist architecture does not destroy the balance of nature by emphasizing the utilization of local natural resources whenever possible while selecting building materials according to the principles of yinyang and the five movements (陰陽五行). In addition, Taoism aims to select simple places for practising asceticism and ancestral rituals whenever possible because of the need to maintain a simple mind, suppress desire, and return to a state of purity. This attitude is an indication of a kind of simple ecological ideas and value of frugality easily found in Taoism. The ecological ideas of Taoism provide abundant resources for considering solutions to the ecological crisis that arises in the creation of residential environments. Through the ecological ideas of Taoism, we can find a direction to understand the relationship between human beings and nature while creating new, sustainable residential environments.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.54 no.6
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• pp.671-687
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• 2021

This study investigated the firing temperature and thermal deformation process of roof tiles excavated from the connected stone-mound tomb in Seokchon-dong, Seoul, based on mineralogical and physical properties. A large number of roof tiles were excavated from the tomb site and some roof tiles were deformed by heat and were fired in uneven conditions. The colors of original roof tiles and their cores are mostly yellowish-brown, with high water absorption over 12%, containing fine-grained textures and some minerals such as quartz, feldspars, amphibole, and mica. It is estimated that the original roof tiles were fired below 900℃ in oxidation condition, showing loose matrices and mica layers by scanning electron microscopy. However, deformed roof tiles have the uneven surface color of reddish-brown and bluish-gray, and those cross-sections have sandwich structures in which dense reddish-brown surface and porous grey core coexist. They contained mullite and hercynite, so it was estimated to have been fired over 1,000℃, with 0.81~11% water absorption. In some samples, bloating pores by overfiring were observed, which means that they were fired at more than 1,200℃. In addition, the refirng experiments that the original roof tile was fired between 800℃ and 1,200℃ were carried out to investigate the physical and mineralogical properties of roof tiles compared to deformed ones. As a result, the water absorption decreased rapidly and the mineral phase started to change over 1,000℃. As the temperature gradually rises, the matrices are partially melted and recrystallized, resulting in similar thermal characteristics of deformed roof tiles. Therefore, the roof tiles from ancient tombs in Seokchon-dong seem to experience the secondary high temperature of 1,000 to 1,200℃ under uneven firing conditions, resulting in deformation characteristics such as shape transformation and mineral phase transition. It is considered to have been related to cremation rituals at the tombs of Seockchon-dong during the Baekje period.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.43
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• pp.31-66
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• 2022

In Korea, the concept of publicness, although conceptually unclear, is being used as a medium between religious groups and other areas of society. In this situation, it is necessary to discuss the concept and agenda of publicness related to religions. For this purpose, we reviewed the relationship and agenda between publicness and faith, and then analyzed the cases of creating sacred objects and holy sites in connection with the concept of publicness. Specifically, according to Chapter II, Publicness and Faith, theologians and sociologists interested in publicness generally presuppose or aim for social participation and change. In this context, the agenda related to religious publicness can include the ground of non-Christian publicness, interreligious equality in the public spheres, the status of religious bodies, and the participation of researchers in the public spheres. In Chapter III, Sacred Objects and Publicness, we divided religious publicness into 'publicness within religion' and 'publicness outside of religion.' According to this classification, rituals are a key factor in creating publicness within religion. Publicness outside of religion is not intrinsic, but is constructed through various external debates. In Chapter IV, Sacred Holy Sites and Publicness, we reviewed cases of the construction of Catholic holy sites and analyzed oppositional logic provided by other religious groups in relation to the publicness outside of religion. Those cases internally created publicness within religion but lead to evaluation and debate about publicness outside of religion in public spheres in which various religions participate. Those who opposed the creation of Catholic holy sites used the logic that Catholicism was eliminating the heritage and values of other religions, and responded by expanding this to include the logic that the Catholics were weakening publicness or creating religious bias.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.93-121
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• 2011

This article is concerned with the withdrawal of the compositional principle of Jinogigut which has been performed in Seoul and the identification of its meaning based on the withdrawal. Jinogigut is a world where a god is connected to humans in complicated manners, this world and the world of the dead coexist, and it is a process of demonstrating that the dead, who have stayed in the world of humans, enter the world of a god. Jinogigut shows the process of leading the dead to the world of the dead one after another. First, the god-centered street is continued, and the gut displays through which process a god will guide the dead to the world of the dead. Next, is a human-centered street, which exhibits the appearance of the dead heading to the world of the dead following the death angel, more in detail. Finally, a human-centered structure shows how humans enter the world of the dead. Through this repetition, it reveals that the dead take a seat in the world of the dead, at last. The organization of the later part of the world of the dead-oriented gut in Jinogigut, which is god-centered, continues to a human-centered gut through the meeting between a god and humans. and , which are continued, followed by , are ceremonial rituals that confirm the dead entering the world of the dead without any problem. Begareugi shows that the entering of the dead into the world of the dead was completed with perfection by cutting hemp cloth, and informs the living that the dead expressed gratitude for holding the ritual for him/her by appearing at the venue of the gut once again and that the dead settled into the world of death. , which finally holds ancestral rites to the god of ancestors who is seated in the world of the dead, reveals that the dead, who had been a human, has been transformed into the god of ancestors through Jinogigut. Jinogigut also performs the function of comforting a client (who is the family of the dead) of the gut, who has faced a sudden death in his/her family. What is the most important for consoling the client is to display that the dead has entered the world of the dead without any problem. Jinogigut shows this process through a three-layered structure. It exhibits how the dead would be moved to the world of gods, as well as the safe entering of the dead who followed Jeoseung-saja(envoy from the world of the dead) and who had appeared to this world from the world of the dead. Then, it demonstrates again the appearance of the dead entering the world of the dead following Barigongu; thus, it placates the heart of the client's family.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.110-130
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• 2023

New years' rites serve a religious function to wish for well-being during the year by bidding farewell to the previous year and welcoming the next. In Japan, in mid-December, to welcome Toshigami, kadomatsu, and shimenawagazari are prepared, as well as osechi ryori to be eaten at the beginning of the year. On New Year's Day, people go to shrines and bow to the gods while saying Hatsumode (初詣). On the fifteenth day of the first month, in the course of a rite called Dondoyaki, all the decorations used in the first month and the amulet used in the previous year are burned. In Korea, when the Lunar New Year approaches, people prepare for their ancestral rites and clean their houses. On the first day of the new year, people hold ancestral rites for their ancestors. There are many different seasonal rites, taking place from the beginning of the year to the full moon. In China, Danwonban (團圓飯), in which the whole family sits together and eats on New Year's Eve, is important. Lights are brightly lit up all night, and the sound of firecrackers outside rings out loudly. On the door, the word chun-ryun is attached to wish for prosperity in the new year. According to the cycle of the four seasons, the first lunar month contains a high proportion of the seasonal rites that are repeated every year. The first month represents the beginning of a year, and various rituals are performed in order to wish for good health and abundance during the coming year. In addition, the "folk religious world view" is integral to annual new years' rites, so it is not difficult to understand the religious character and structure of the Korean, Chinese, and Japanese annual ceremonies. This study examines the current status of annual new years' rites in Korea, China, and Japan, and how the rites are structured according to the inflection points in the year. In addition, religious characteristics are reviewed in terms of gods, predictions, and fertility prayers, exorcisms, health, and restoration. In this way, it can be seen that various religious elements such as shamanism, agricultural faith, ancestor worship, Shintoism, Taoism, Confucianism, and Buddhism can be witnessed in the annual new years' rites of Korea, China, and Japan. In addition, differences in the presence or absence of these are shown to depend on the country.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.48
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• pp.375-406
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• 2024

This study aims to define the meaning of 'Sangsaeng (mutual beneficence)' within the context of 'Sangsaeng ecological theory,' a form of discourse of that has emerged from Daesoon Jinrihoe's perspective on ecology. Sangsaeng ecological theory applies the concept of interdependence to ecology in order to explain how Sangsaeng, which is commonly used as an ethical system for humans, can be applied to the realm of ecology such that it extends its scope of application to include non-human beings. Interdependence, when applied to ecology, is formed via relationships between individuals. Such relationships can be positive, negative, or neutral, and the type of interdependence that emerges can be competitive, predatory, parasitc, and symbiotic. Even if the relationship between individuals ends negatively, it can still exert a positive effect on the ecosystem. Consequently, all of these produce a type of 'dependence'. However, relationships that end negatively can generate grievances, and from the perspective of Sangsaeng ethics, this type of interdependence is to be avoided. Therefore, by way of contrast, ecological Sangsaeng may include both relationships of positive interdependence and relationships of predation, parasitism, and competition in so far as there no grievances. Ecological theory requires a perspective that enables an understand of the relationship between nature and humans in an integrated way that does not separate them. One view of universe, known as Cheonji-saengin-yongin (Heaven and Earth give produce humans make use of them) provides insights into the relationship between the universe and humans and nature and humans from an interdependent perspective. Heaven and Earth take humans as the basis of their existence, and only after humans discover the law of nature and the sacredness behind it can a deep interdependence between Heaven and Earth and humans and nature and humans be established. However, as modern humans emerge, the interdependence between Heaven and Earth and humans collapses as they destroy nature and lower the authority of Shindo (divine order). Haewon Sangsaeng (the resolution of grievances for mutual beneficence) and Boeun Sangsaeng (the reciprocation of favors for mutual beneficence) is the solution to reestablish the interdependence that has been disconnected between Heaven and Earth and humans and nature and humans. The practice of Haewon Sangsaeng through Gongbu rituals is the way to restore interdependence between nature and humans. The process of humans achieving Dotong (mastery of the Dao) through religious practices is the practice of Boeun Sangsaeng, and humans will be reborn into Injon (Human Nobility or 'divine humans') with ecological nature and enjoy an eternal interdependent relationship with nature. In summary, Sangsaeng in the context of Sangsaeng ecological theory is the idea and practice of allowing nature and humans to restore their interdependence and live on eternally.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.73-121
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• 2017

Disaster is externally an incident that causes enormous damage to society and humanity. Disaster also internally stimulate a variety of personal and collective complexes in the human mind. The sinking of Sewol Ferry in 2014 was a disaster that took away countless lives. People not only in South Korea but around the world were deeply affected by the incident. While directly taking part in disaster mental health support and meeting with people who were sunk in sorrow and helplessness and feeling the collapse of conceit against modern technological civilization, I realised the need to conduct study and research on the conscious and unconscious response from the viewpoint of analytical psychology. This research investigates the response and management of disaster in prehistoric times mainly through myths and petroglyphs. This study aims to consider the problems and improvements of disaster response in the modern times by finding the distinct cultural characteristics and the universal, fundamental, and archetypal human nature inherent in the concepts of disaster and responses to disaster and discovering their meaning and wisdom. Creation myths around the world show that in the beginning there was a disaster as part of the universal creation. Humanity has understood disaster as a periodic renewal of the world by the oppositeness between destruction and creation and had the idea that violation of taboo to be the cause of disaster since prehistoric times. Disaster could be interpreted as the intention of the Self that renews the fundamental consciousness through the externally appearing destructive action. Various rituals performed by man on earth renovates the human consciousness during a mental crisis situation, such as a disaster, and corresponds with the unconscious to create an opportunity for psychological regeneration that seeks harmony. Modern society has neglected the importance of internal dealing and the suffering human soul and concentrated on the external, technological and administrative actions related with disaster response. We cannot determine the occurrence of a disaster, but we can determine how to deal with the disaster. While developing external disaster response, we need to ponder on the meaning of disaster and conduct internal disaster response that care for human mind. Through this, we will understand the meaning of pain and have renewed mature psyche.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.9
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• pp.555-652
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• 1996

Up to the present the scholastic achievements in the history of the medical system have been rather scare despite its importance in the Korean History. Hence, this dissertation attempts to examine the significance of the institute in the Korean History, covering the period from the ancient times through the early Chosun-Dynasty. In the ancient times, the medical practice relied primarily upon human instincts and experiences at the same time, shaman's incantations were widely believed to cure diseases, the workings of evil spirits supposedly. For the period from the Old Chosun through Samhan(巫堂), Chinese refugees brought a long medical knowledge and skills of the continent. New Chinese medicine, traditional practices and incantations were generally used at this time. Medicine and the medical system were arranged by the period of the Three Countries(三國時代). No definite record concerning Koguryo remains now. As for Paekje, however, history shows that they set up the system under the Chinese influence, assigning medical posts such as Euibaksa(medical doctor), Chaeyaksa(pharmacist), and Jukeumsa(medicine man) within Yakbu(department of medicine). Scientifically advanced, they sent experts to Japan, giving a tremendous influence on the development of the science on ancient Japan. After the unification of the three countries, Shilla had their own system after the model of Dang(唐). This system of the Unified Shilla was continued down to Koryo and became the backbone of the future ones. In the ancient time religion and medicine were closely related. The curative function of the shaman was absolute. Buddhism played a notable part in medical practice, too, producing numerous medical monks. The medical system of Koryo followed the model of Dang with some borrowings from Song(宋). Sangyakkuk(尙藥局) was to deal exclusively with the diseases of the monarch whereas Taeeuigam(太醫監) was the central office to handle the national medical administration and the qualification test and education for doctors. In addition, Dongsodaebiwon(東西大悲院), Jewibo(濟危寶), and Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were public hospitals for the people, and a few aristocrats practiced medicine privately. In 987, the 6th year of Songjong(成宗), local medical operations were installed for curing the sick and educating medical students. Later Hyonjong(顯宗), established Yakjom(clinics, 藥店) throughout the country and officials were sent there to see patients. Foreign experts, mainly from Song, were invited frequently to deliver their advanced technology, and contributed to the great progress of the science in Korea. Medical officials were equipped with better land and salary than others, enjoying appropriate social respect. Koryo exchanged doctors, medicine and books mainly with Song, but also had substantial interrelations with Yuan(元), Ming(明), Kitan(契丹), Yojin(女眞), and Japan. Among them, however, Song was most influential to the development of medicine in Koryo. During Koryo Dynasty Buddhism, the national religion at the time, exercised bigger effect on medicine than in any other period. By conducting national ceremonies and public rituals to cure diseases, Taoism also affected the way people regarded illness. Curative shamanism was still in practice as well. These religious practices, however, were now engaged only when medication was already in use or when medicine could not held not help any more. The advanced medical system of Koryo were handed down to Chosun and served the basis for further progress. Hence, then played well the role to connect the ancient medicine and the modern one. The early Chosun followed and systemized the scientific and technical achievement in medicine during the Koryo Dynasty, and furthermore, founded the basis of the future developments. Especially the 70 years approximately from the reign of Sejong(世宗) to that of Songjong(成宗) withnessed a termendous progress in the field with the reestablishment of the medical system. The functions of the three medical institute Naeeuiwon(內醫院), Joneuigam(典醫監), Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were expanded. The second, particualy, not only systemized all the medical practices of the whole nation, but also grew and distributed domestic medicaments which had been continually developed since the late Koryo period. In addition, Hyeminso(惠民局, Hwarinwon(活人院)) and Jesaenwon(濟生院)(later merged to the first) played certain parts in the curing illness. Despite the active medical education in the capital and the country, the results were not substantial, for the aristocracy avoided the profession due to the social prejudice against technicians including medical docotors. During the early Chosun-Dynasty, the science was divided into Chimgueui (acupuncturist), Naryogeui(specialist in scrofula) and Chijongeui (specialist in boil). For the textbooks, those for the qualification exam were used, including several written by the natives. With the introduction on Neoconfucianism(性理學) which reinforced sexual segregation, female doctors appeared for the female patients who refused to be seen by male doctors. This system first appeared in 1406, the sixth year of Taejong(太宗), but finally set up during the reign of Sejong. As slaves to the offices, the lowest class, female doctors drew no respect. However, this is still significant in the aspect of women's participation in society. They were precedents of midwives. Medical officials were selected through the civil exam and a special test. Those who passed exams were given temporary jobs and took permanent posts later. At that time the test score, the work experience and the performance record of the prospective doctor were all taken into consideration, for it was a specialized office. Most doctors were given posts that changed every six months, and therefore had fewer chances for a goverment office than the aristocracy. At the beginning the social status of those in medicine was not that low, but with the prejudice gradully rising among the aristocracy, it became generally agreed to belong to the upper-middle technician class. Dealing with life, however, they received social respect and courtesy from the public. Sometimes they collected wealth with their skills. They kept improving techniques and finally came to take an important share in modernization process during the late Chosun-Dynasty.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.57-90
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• 2018

In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.