• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.118-128
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to present efficient methods of preserving and managing the fish shelter forest in Mulgun-ri on the southern coast of Korea on the basis of its humanistic, sociological and ecological characteristics. The study object is Korean natural monument No. 150, which is presumed to have been forested by descendants of Jeonju Lee Family who settled there, and village rituals are held every October to pray for the peace of the village. The forest is managed by Namhae-gun as a historical and cultural resource as well as its disaster-preventing, economic, and environmental and ecological functions. The linear form of the area is $23,962.6m^2$ and farmland(48.5%) and urbanization area(38.2%) are extensively located in its periphery area. Actual vegetation was sub-classified into three types of land according to use pressure and whether or not damage was done: land where its stratification was formed; land where it was restored, and the land where it was damaged. Plant communities were sub-classified into Aphananthe aspera community(I) and Zelkova serrata community(II) which had a low use pressure; Z. serrata-Chionanthus retusa-A. aspera community(III) and A. aspera-Z. serrata community(IV) which had a high use pressure; and Celtis sinensis-A. aspera community(V) whose underlayer was damaged by use. Fragmentation of the forest is under way and its inside vegetation growth is hampered due to the installation of traffic and resting facilities such as the through roads costal roads, wooden-deck walkways, parking lots, washstands, etc. As a restoration management plan for this, the following were required: an establishment of preferred restoration area; a selection of restoration vegetation species; and an appropriate restoration method. The damaged area($7,868.2m^2$) will have to be set up as the preferred restoration area; seedlings of restored vegetation species should be raised with dominant species within the forest(i.e., Z. serrata, A. aspera, C. sinensis, and C. retusa) as their 'mother trees' for the benefit of for the next-generation forest; and sub-tree and shrub layer should be complementarily planted with 5 and 115 trees(unit $100m^2$) respectively to facilitate the formation of a multi-layered vegetation structure. In addition, resting facilities scattered inside the forest should be demolished; and indiscriminate use of them should be controlled; management and monitoring should be carried out so that the area can be preserved and restored as a deciduous broad-leaved forest.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.27-37
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• 2010

This study tries to illuminate the features and values of the Buddhist temple Palkyung by closely examining the forms, structures, and meanings of Tongdo-palkyung(通度八景) handed down at Tongdosa Temple, the best among Korea's Buddhist temples with its three treasures of Buddha, law of Buddha and Buddhist monks. The findings of this study can be summarized as the following. First of all, it reveals the meaning of the geographical name Yeongchuksan(靈鷲山), located to the west of Tongdosa, and a spectacular sight spread like an eagle's spread wings, as well as its location and spatial features. In particular, the arrangement features of a number of attached hermitages clearly show Yeongchuksan's world as being a temple with buddhist treasures. The multi-layered unfolding and centripetal intention of the scenery can be perceived through the shape of the Sshangryongnongju(雙龍弄珠形), around Tongdosa and the feature of the enclosed landscape encircling the steps of Hyeolcheo(穴處) Geumganggyedan. The substances and components of Tongdopalkyung include sound-based spectacles derived from Beoneumgu(梵音具) creating sounds related to religious rituals to enlighten and redeem mankind, such as Yeongji(影池: a holy pond with shadow reflections), drum sounds, and bell sounds along with physical features like pine trees, Dae(臺), waterfalls, Dongcheon (洞天), and a glow in the sky. On the other hand, Palkyung's geographical arrangements exhibit a circular spatial formation based on the main motif as Buddhist symbolism, beginning with the 'Gukjangsangseokpyo(國長生石標)' awakening the territoriality of Tongdosa and locating the first scene 'Mupunghansong(舞風寒松)' in its introductory area, with the features of water, bridge, pine grove, and Iljumun(gate) to stand for the influx. Six other scenes including 'Anyangdongdae(安養東臺)' are placed in the sacred precincts around Daeungjeon and Geumganggyedan while the glow of sunset at 'Danjoseong' just outside the domain closes the symbolic circular formation of the Tongdopalkyung, which coincides with the development of the Mandala figure symbolizing 'Gusanpalhae(九山八海)' centered in Sumisan(須彌山). What is more, Tongdopalkyung, while excluding primary scenic elements inside the temple, maximizes the domain of the mountain's entrance and the effects of the multi-layered mountain, mountain upon mountain, by intensifying the influx and centripetal qualities. The Tongdopalkyung analysis reveals the antithesis of four-coupled scenes conveying buddhist principles and thoughts on the basis of seasons, directions, space and time to display a narrative structural landscape when viewed from the temple's territoriality. Likewise, the characteristics and porch structures of Tongdopalkyung are tools and language of symbols to both externally strengthen the temple's territoriality and to internally, maximize the desires to the Land of Happiness as well as intensify religious wishes and the Mandala's multi-layered qualities through the meanings of time and space.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.56-77
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• 2019

Bi-Seok is a treasure trove of funeral rites and an important cultural asset that can shed light on the historical and social history of calligraphy, but research of the topic is still insignificant. In particular, research on the production method of Bi-Seok remains an unproven field. The production of Bi-Seok can be roughly divided into ma-jeong (refining stone), sculpture, and the Buk-chil (process of engraving letters) process. This article reveals some facts: First, performing ma-jeong to the Sang-Seok, Honyu-Seok, Bi-seok, which are known to be God's things. This process is needed because of the change in the perception of the Honyu-Seok due to the settlement and propagation of Confucian ceremonial rituals in the times of hardship in 1592 and 1636. As the crafting process of ma-jeong did not remain concrete, it was only possible to examine the manufacturing process of Bi-Seok through its materials and tools. Second, the rapid proliferation of Oh-Seok and Sa-jeo-chwi-yong (purchase of things made by private citizens) in the Yeongjo era has great importance in social and cultural history. When the Gang-Hwa-Seok of the commodity were exhausted, the Oh-Seok that was used by Sadebu (upper civil class) were used in the tomb of Jangneung, which made Oh-Seok popular among people. In particular, the use of Oh-Seok and the Ma-Jeong process could minimize chemical and physical damage. Third, the writing method of the Bi-seok is Buk-chil. After Buk-Chil of Song Si-Yeol was used on King Hyojong's tomb, the Buk-Chil process ( printing the letters on the back of the stone and rubbing them to make letters) became the most popular method in Korea and among other East Asian countries, and the fact that it was institutionalized to this scale was quite impressive. Buk-Chil became more sophisticated by using red ink rather than black ink due to the black color that results from Oh-Seok. Fourth, the writing method changes in the late Joseon Dynasty. Until the time of Yeongjo's regime, when inscribing, the depth of the angle was based on the thickness of the stroke, thus representing the shade. This technique, of course, did not occur at every Pyo-Seok or Shindobi, but was maintained by outstanding artisans belonging to government agencies. Therefore, in order to manufacture Bi-Seok, Suk-seok, YeonJeong, Ma-jeong, Jeong-Gan, ChodoSeoIp, Jung-Cho, Ip-gak, Gyo-Jeong, and Jang-Hwang, a process was needed to make one final product. Although all of these methods serve the same purpose of paying respects and propagandizing the great work of deceased persons, through this analysis, it was possible to see the whole process of Pyo-Seok based upon the division of techniques and the collaboration of the craftsmen.

• Journal of the Speleological Society of Korea
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• no.95
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• pp.35-49
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• 2009

Ever since the beginning of time, caves not only have offered a place to live for humans but they have also been used as cultural spaces. That is, in the event of making some sounds in a location within the cave, the sound that is created is greatly magnified and sounds out as if it is being amplified from a giant megaphone. This, as we well know it, is known as the resonance effect. Here, the cave itself appears to function as a massive wind instrument. Especially in cases like the Altamira Cave (Spain) where cave paintings were found, the point where the cave drawings were found has commonalities in that it is a wide space and that it is usually discovered together with flutes and drums that are made with mammoth bones. We need to focus on this point. We can infer from these facts that the prehistoric people have carried out cultural activities along with their incantation rituals within those caves. In the meantime, amongst the Korean traditional arts, in the case of pansori which is a representative vocal genre, there have been examples where caves were used as practicing locations for those people who are training to perfect their singing. This is known as toguldoggong(土窟獨功) which literally means 'obtaining one's own art by oneself in the earth cave by practicing incessantly'. This process along with pokpodoggong (瀑布獨功) (same as above except that the location is by the waterfall) is the final training stage in order to become a recognized virtuoso on the part of the apprentice. This could be compared to the final annealing and finishing process of producing a metalwork. This has been a long tradition followed by most Korean traditional artists in order to perfect their sound which is harmonious with nature within natural surroundings. By honing in on this point, I have come to think about this matter repeatedly while coaching the university students in vocal singing. In short, I came to the conclusion that "the making of natural sounds will be obtained naturally within natural surroundings like caves!" Consequently, The Society for Studying Cave Sounds was inaugurated on January 1992 along with some of my students. We made use of times like vacations to go around exploring caves all over Jeju and carried out investigations of sounds along with cave exploration on an experimental basis. After 5 years, in September of 1997, we were able to host the first ever cave concert domestically at the Whale Nostril Cave(東岸鯨窟) on Wu-do. After that, we have been hosting the cave concert once every year. We have achieved a record of a total of 14 cave concerts until 2009 of this year. Out of these, 2 were held in Seokhwaeam Cave in Kangwon Province, another two were held in Manjang Cave which is a lava cave, and the remaining 10 were held in the Whale Nostril Cave of Wu-do. Along with that, I have carried out a special recording for the production of a cave music CD in May of 1999. This paper was written and organized by using the main materials that were derived from the experiences of using caves as concert halls in the past. It is hoped that this cave concert will offer a very unique experience to tourists who come to Jeju every year and give them the best possible superior natural sound effect that only Jeju caves can offer.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.45
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• pp.263-289
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• 2014

King Munjong(文宗), the eleventh King of the Goryeo Dynasty, was the son of King Hyeonjong(顯宗), the eighth king, and the younger stepbrother(異母弟) of King Jeongjong(靖宗), the 10th king. Although King Jeongjong had four sons, he abdicated the throne to King Munjong. King Taejo(太祖) had opened the possibility for sons other than the eldest son to succeed to the throne. When King Jeongjong died, his sons were children under the age of 10 years. In the early period of the Goryeo Dynasty, when kings had young sons, there were precedents of abdicating the throne to their grown-up younger brothers. In addition, King Jeongjong and Munjong had an identical blood background. During the period, Goryeo people also naturally accepted the fact that a former king's younger brother succeeded to the throne. In this background, King Munjong ascended the throne. However, King Munjong did not ascend the throne after identifying state affairs with politic power. Therefore, he needed to increase his authority as the king. Moreover, as the sons of King Jeongjong had grown up, they could stir up trouble in future succession to the throne. Therefore, King Munjong intended to concentrate power on himself and remove trouble in future succession to the throne by selecting his son as successor to the throne. After the installation of Wangtaeja(王太子, the Crown Prince), King Munjong expanded and organized Donggunggwan(東宮官, the establishment of Secretariat of Wangtaeja) and carried out various rituals related to Wangtaeja. The control system for Donggunggwan was completed institutionally in 1068. At this time, the newly organized Donggunggwan was operated as a miniature version of the central government office. In addition, the ritual for the installation of Taeja, which was held in 1054, complied with regulated procedures. After the ritual of the installation, a ceremony to congratulate on Jangheungjeol(長興節, the birthday of Wangtaeja) was held in 1056. In 1064, the wedding ritual of Taeja took place, and the ritual for Taeja regulated in Yeji(禮志) of "Goryeosa(高麗史)" was carried out. In addition, the installation of Wangtaeja was made known overseas, and the Taeja of Goryeo was proclaimed by the Kitan three times. Such various measures played an important role in strengthening the status of Taeja as the man of authority next to the king. Later, Taeja demonstrated his status as the man of authority following the king by participating in state affairs on behalf of King Munjong who was not able to move about freely in his later years.

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.31
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• pp.255-287
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• 2017

This paper analyzes the religious circuit of suicidal concept based on verbal expression and ritual acts, which are found in the suicide discourse of Korean Catholic Church and Protestant Church. In the relationship of suicide and religion, it is easily overlooked the religious circuit and its construction that forms the concept of suicide among the religious laymen. It is assumed that the belief system of traditional religions prohibits suicide and the laymen accordingly construct a perception or concept of suicide along with this belief system. Various studies on this subject have proved it. However, in order to understand the religious way of constructing the concept of suicide on a personal level, it is necessary to pay attention to the religious environment in which the concepts and emotions of suicide circulate. The laymen do not passively and perfectly accept the finely established suicide concept provided by the doctrine or the theology. Rather, the laymen tend to collect the pieces of concept over the suicide that are drifting in the religious environment of his/her daily routine life and to make an concept of suicide in an incomplete form. We can find the unstable and imperfect traits of such a suicide concept through the experience of suicide survivors who have a religious background. For the suicide survivors with religious beliefs, they resist the formal doctrinal and theological provisions to suicide, or try to understand the notion of suicide in their own contexts. In terms of linguistic expressions and ritual acts relating to suicide, the attentions are differently directed in the public and the private domain among the religious groups. Considering on the high rates of suicide in Korean society, the Korean Catholic Churches are increasingly tolerant over the suicide and accept it in the public sphere. It is unlikely when comparing to the negative attitudes of the suicide in the past. However, such tolerance does not go beyond the doctrinal and ethical judgment that defines suicide as a serious sin. The once-committed lay believer's speech and gestures usually contain the various emotions, such as sadness, grief, anxiety, regretfulness, eagerness, and pain in the private spheres. The language and gestures with these emotions have been activated in the religious circuits of suicide, being extended to the religious apparatus for the person who died of suicide. In case of Protestantism, the institutional organizations, such as the particular denominations and the individual-churchism of the Korean Protestant Churches, and their own interpretations of the Bible have in the private sphere strongly effected on the linguistic expressions and the rituals related to the suicide. The religious-ethical judgment of the suicide is varied how the suicide is interpreted by the theologians and the pastors. And the ritual acts for healing the complex feelings and the psychological wounds of the suicide survivors are not actively explored and adopted yet. It makes harder to approach and heal the protestant followers since they emphasize the innermost belief and the salvation assurance faith.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.45
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• pp.219-243
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• 2016

The life of Antonin Artaud exactly reproduces a very cruel drama. He lived in constant anguish and suffered from severe mental pain. This research will trace his thoughts in his writings while he was a prisoner of language. Artaud was a poet filled with anxiety about language, things, being, and thought. Whenever he tried to explain the mystery of being by means of mundane language, he experienced psychological agony. His poetic thoughts began to break down, because of his identity loss. Nevertheless, he was destined to grasp the world through language. Artaud had suffered from mental illness during his youth. His mental illness was associated with his difficulty in creating poetry. In this research, the letter, Correspondance avec Jacques $Rivi{\grave{e}}re$, is analyzed. The poet refers to "the collapse of the spirit's core, and the erosion of the fundamental thought that slips away" to convey his linguistic incompetence. Hereafter, he constantly demonstrated anxious mental symptoms. Even though he became mentally deranged, he maintained his consciousness, as is apparent in his writings. Also, his spiritual belief is reflected in his mental uneasiness. While he was traveling through the Tarahumaras area in Mexico, he was obsessed with its primitive belief in the Peyote rituals, and he immersed himself in performing them. His unchristian belief was the product of his mystical personality. Until his last breath, he did not give up writing. Artaud's mental derangement does not mean lunacy, but if one insists in calling it so, that is a metaphor. His derangement comes from his refusal to accept his limitations and from his aspiring to regard his body in the same light as his intellectual perceptions. His intellect could manifest more easily when his mind was elevated to the extreme. Artaud's lunacy is no different from that of a profound philosopher. The lives of poets who suffer from mental derangement are more poetic than the lives of those who do not. Artaud's atypical emotions provide a way of to measure our own limitations, helplessness, and resignation. His scream is nonsegmental but different from that of a mental patient. That difference is why people are interested in his works and wish to delve into his writings.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.9-42
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• 2017

Of all Geommu(劍舞, Korean sword dance), Gisaeng-Geommu danced by gisaeng(妓生, Korean female entertainers) for private guests and at the royal court. The Sword dance in the late Joseon Dynasty used to be dynamic exuding menacing "sword spirit(劍氣)." Sword dance being transmitted today is more ritualistic and elegant. This study considers Korean sword dance has a core structure and motifs transcending generational differences, and based on this critical thinking, aims to analyze the structure of Korean sword dance. This study analyzed the prose "Geommugi(劍舞記)" by Park Je-ga(朴齊家) and the poem "Mugeompyeonjeongmiin(舞劍篇贈美人)" by Jeong Yak-yong(丁若鏞) out of literary works from the late Joseon Dynasty, and from official records of rituals(笏記), "Geomgimu(Sword Dance, 劍器舞)" and "Geommu" in "Gyobanggayo(敎坊歌謠)." In the introduction part of Sword dance, a dancer appears, bows and performs a hand dance or hansam(汗衫) dance to and fro. In the development part, a dancer meets with a sword but first hesitates to hold it and dances holding swords in both hands. The climax shows expert sword skills and combat scenes. In the conclusion part, the court dance involves a dancer bidding a formal farewell, while the dance for entertainment, a dance throws away the sword to finish. From literature materials, the structure of Korean sword dance could be divided into an introduction, a development, a climax and a conclusion. Based on this, this study analyzed sword dance movements by linking the beats accompanying the current sword dance, in the order of a Yeombul, the traditional Korean ballad Taryeong or Neujeun Taryeong, Jajin Taryeong, Taryeong and Jajin Taryeong. The introduction part includes a Buddhist prayer and the beginning of Taryeong. Dancers appear, and in two rows they dance facing each other. On the slow beat, their dances are relaxed and elegant. The development part is matched with Jajin Taryeong. Dancers sit in front of swords and grab them, and they dance holding a pair of swords. The beat gradually becomes faster, progressing the development of the dance. But then, the slower Taryeong is placed again. The reason behind it is to create a tension for a little while, before effectively reaching a climax by speeding up the tempo again. Moving on to Jajin Taryeong, dancers' movements are bigger and more dynamic. The highly elated Jajin Taryeong shows dance movements at the climax on fast, robust beats. In the conclusion part, the beat is quick-tempo and on the upbeat again on Jajin Taryeong. Driving on without a stop on the exciting Yeonpungdae(燕風臺) melody, dancers standing in a line dance wielding the swords and bow before finishing.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.3
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• pp.112-129
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• 2019

This study investigates the influence and implications of the supervised process of production of flower vessels (花器) in 1411. The type, the production method, and the purpose of flower vessels (花器) were determined based on the workshops appearing in King Sejong-Sillok, Chiriji ("世宗實錄" "地理志") and Gyeongsang-do Chiriji ("慶尙道地理志"), considering articles excavated from Sangju kiln sites. In addition, the implications and the starting point of production of flower vessels (花器) in the Joseon Dynasty were identified. During the Joseon Dynasty, an effort was made to reorganize the government offices, to align ritual systems in the early 15th century. Preparation for rituals, preparation of supplemental utensils used in ancestral rites (祭器), the construction of architecture related to the Royal Family, and the production of weaponry (武器) were supervised. In 1411, flower vessels (花器) had a preferred supervised process of production as well, which means being recognized as a subject of maintenance for the Joseon Dynasty's aims. Flower vessels (花器) had been produced using grayish-blue powdered celadon (粉靑沙器) as flower pots (花盆), and as celadon flower pot-support (花臺), at Sangju kiln sites in particular, since 1411. Interestingly, products had been manufactured in royal kilns as well as in a few other kilns similar to the supervised process of production of flower vessels (花器) in the middle of the 15th century. It means that this effected the Gyeon-yang (見樣) supervised process of flower vessel (花器) production in 1411. At that time, the Joseon Dynasty used Gyeon-yang (見樣) for imperial gifts for the Ming Dynasty and on separate manufactured articles to ensure the standards of production. Gyeon-yang (見樣) affected the production of ceramic utensils used in ancestral rites (祭器), and government officials in Saongwon (司饔院) supervised the production of ceramics for the Royal Family year after year. In sum, it was flower vessels (花器) using Gyeon-yang (見樣) that provided precise production rules to supervise the process of production in 1411.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.3
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• pp.188-207
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• 2014

Taking the concept of 'Invention of Tradition' by Hobsbawm, this paper examines the change of perspectives on the past and the attitudes toward connecting the past and the contemporary in the 19th century restoration of religious buildings in England. The Anglican society in the early 19th century argued that the catholic theology and rituals should be revived in their practice, which has formed the Oxford Movement. Such aspiration has stimulated to the society to execute its religious practice in a proper space, which has resulted in the Cambridge Camden Society in the middle of the century. Their publications on church buildings and arrangement had much affected to the restoration of many churches to rip off the previous Georgian furnitures and features of the fabric into Gothic, the style of middle age. The perspective on the past for anti-restoration movement in the late 19th century has moved into the one to respect all historical layers of previous spirit imprinted in the church buildings. Inspired by Ruskin and formulated by Morris, SPAB's Manifesto has reflected that the spirit of the first builder can not be reproduced or copied by the contemporaries, and therefore a daily maintenance is the best practice to extend the life of spirit rather than restoration. In addition the material remains is no longer belong to the religious entity but should be regarded as national heritage. By examining the change of perspectives on the past between the early and middle of 19th century and the late 19th century, this paper has argued that the various factors such as social, economic, political, art and commercial factors should be examined together in the understanding of conservation history.