• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.233-252
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• 2021

The Gwan ceremony (冠禮) is a coming-of-age ceremony that takes place through traditional Gwan (冠: the hat) and clothes in the traditional era. The rite is performed by wearing hats and clothes three consecutive times (三加禮). It was an important rite which meant that underage children were formally recognized as members of society. This study examined costumes of people who participated in various coming-of-age ceremony rites in the Ming dynasty imperial court of China. For the research data, this study mainly used authentic chronicles (正史), codes of law and books on Ming dynasty rituals. This study examined the costumes used in the coming-of-age ceremony for the emperor, Prince Imperial, Emperor's eldest grandson, and emperor's sons. The results of this study were divided into an analysis of the document structure, institutional changes by time, characteristics of costumes, and characteristics of the rite. Of particular note in their ceremony, the emperor is presupposed to be a 'human already full-equipped with virtue', which means that the costume is worn only once. It is a case in which the emperor's absolute identity is revealed through the rite and costume.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.22 no.12
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• pp.205-211
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• 2022

Performing the rituals of Hajj and Umrah is an obligation of Allah Almighty to all Muslims from all over the world. Millions of Muslims visit the holy mosques in Makkah every year to perform Hajj and Umrah. One of the most important pillars in Performing Hajj/Umrah is Tawaf and Sa'ay. Tawaf finished by seven rounds around the holy house (Al-Kabaa) and Sa'ay is also seven runs between As-Safa and Al-Marwa. Counting/knowing the number of runs during Tawaf/Sa'ay is one of the difficulties that many pilgrims face. The pilgrim's confusing for counting (Tawaf/Sa'ay) rounds finished at a specific time leads pilgrims to stay more time in Mataff bowl or Masa'a run causing stampedes and more crowded as well as losing the desired time for prayers to get closer to Almighty Allah in this holy place. These issues can be solved using effective crowd management systems for Tawaf/Sa'ay pillars, which is the topic of this research paper. While smart devices and their applications are gaining popularity in helping pilgrims for performing Hajj/Umrah activities efficiently, little has been dedicated for solving these issues. We present an autonomous Mobile-based framework for guiding pilgrims during Tawaf/Sa'ay pillars with the aid of GPS for points tracking and rounds counting. This framework is specially designed to prevent and manage stampedes during Tawaf/Sa'ay pillars, by helping pilgrims automatically counting the rounds during Tawaf/Sa'ay with supported Supplications (in written/audio form with different languages) from the Quran and Sunna'a.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.53-81
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• 2019

Generally, the image of Colombia is constituted as a dangerous country in war against guerrillas and with greater cocaine production. The massacre of Bojayá, taken to the theater work Kilele by Felipe Vergara which forms the object of analysis of this paper, was an event that has most affected the sensitivity of Colombia in the first decade of the 21st century due to the absurdity of its occurrence and the magnitude. The work Kilele not only represents the social drama of Bojayá as a bitter and nightmare past, but breaks the veil of death and communicate with the souls that, according to their beliefs, still hang in limbo. The main goal of this act is to go to reintegration of fractured society, celebrating a funeral rite worthy of the deads that wander various spaces of limbo. This article analyzes the epic structure in Kilele, rituals related to the African spirituality, and the fragmentary structure of the work. Finally this paper intends to reveal how it helped to recover from the trauma of the massacre.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.381-403
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• 2021

Cheonsubara Dance is one of the most important ceremonies in Buddhist rituals. This paper is a study on principles of Cheonsubara Dance in Yeongnam. This also distinguishes the Cheonsubara Dance performed for about 7 minutes with no patterns according to 'The Great Dharani of Spiritually Sublime Phrases' by dance words, and analizes its combinations and principles. Cheonsubara Dance in Yeongnam consists of 7 dance words(Greeting, Carrying, Carrying with 180° rotation, Bara-Garugi, Bara-Garugi with both hands, rotate once, Bara-chigi), and put together according to the number of letters from 'The Great Dharani of Spiritually Sublime Phrases'. Usually, the principles can be seen through 4 types of changes from the dance: 1) When letters of 'The Great Dharani of Spiritually Sublime Phrases' appear consecutively with the same number of characters, 2) When a two-letter word turns into a three-letter word, 3) When the opposite of 2) occurs, 4) When 2~3 letter words change in a row.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.434-440
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• 2007

Yackwa is used as one of foods prepared for traditional rituals and holidays and enjoyed as snacks. Since Yackwas are fried, they contain oil, which can cause rancidity and undermines the freshness of Yackwas during distribution to retailers, not to mention a high level of calories. The study aims to develop baked Yackwas and analyze the quality in terms of calorie levels and characteristics by baking Yackwas in oven. Calorie level was 4.65 kcal/g in fried Yackwa, 3.96 kcal/g in baked Yackwa, and 2.95 kcal/g in baked peanut Yackwa prior to dip coating of grain syrup. baked Yackwa showed hardness of 13476.33 $g/cm^2$ before dipping in grain syrup, which was harder than 1912.56 $g/cm^2$ of fried Yackwa. After grain syrup coating, hardness of baked Yackwa reduced more significantly, compared with that of fried Yackwa, as grain syrup permeated through texture of Yackwa. And less hardness makes baked Yackwa tastier. Sensory evaluation was measured in a 5-point scale. Scores for texture and taste of baked Yackwa outpaced those of fried Yackwa. Score for the overall quality was 3.65 in baked Yackwa and 3.25 in baked peanut Yackwa, compared to 2.85 of fried Yackwa, indicating a higher potential of commercializing(p<0.05).

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.237-253
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• 2010

In Christopher Marlowe's Cambridge days in the 1580s, the British forward wits were engaged in the curious pursuit of magic and occult philosophy in order to discover the mystery of things. Magic, together with judiciary astronomy, astrology, mathematics, and logic, was one of the most practical disciplines. Marlowe, Shakespeare, and Jonson demonstrate their deep interest in magic and its language of spell and charms in the light of their analogical application to the alchemical theatre. As Shakespeare says that the poet, the lover, and the madman are of the same because they give forms to airy nothing, a magical illusion is, for the three playwrights, similar to the theatrical illusion in that both magic and theatre work in and by a language and both give us sportive pleasures through the deceptio visus. However, while Jonson is rather puritanically antagonistic to the illusive language of alchemy and magic, Marlowe and Shakespeare are attracted to the rapturous nature of the absolute language of magic. Doctor Faustus' indulgence in magic stands for the Marlovian aspiration for the absolute language which allows no discrepancy between thinking and willing, conceiving and actualizing. His uses of spells, charms, anagrams, and magic books are transformed and translated in the play into an alchemical theatre. Faustus is dependant on and bound by his books of magic, as is the actor on the stage. Faustus is the poet condemned from the beginning. Though he is mistakenly thinking that it is he himself that manipulates Mephostophilis the magical agent, it is otherwise. Faustus is a shadow or an actor in the Elizabethan language. He remains a farcical figure during the twenty-four years which are given to him for his sensual dalliance. Marlowe never forgets through his farcical clowning to satirize such Catholic rituals as exorcism and benediction for their illusive theatricalism. The sports of Faustus' playacting and play-directing rise at the last hour to the height of a tragedy. Ironically Marlowe the playwright succeeds as a tragedian at the point where Faustus fails as a magician.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.91-122
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• 2017

Before the start of the North Borneo Company administration in North Borneo (now Sabah, Malaysia) in 1882, the Timugon Murut of today's interior Tenom District lived in longhouses, and practiced head-hunting during wars with other Murutic ethnic groups. Their economy revolved around swidden agriculture of hill rice, sago, and cassava. Wet rice cultivation and water buffaloes were introduced just before 1885. Wet rice was planted on the alluvial plains around the Pegalan and Padas Rivers, while dry rice was planted on hillside swiddens that had been cleared by slash-and-burn methods. Today, wet rice cultivation and cash-cropping on the plains are the main Timugon socioeconomic activities, while some families also plant dry rice on the hills as a back-up. The Timugon believe that the physical world is surrounded by the spiritual world, and everything was made by the creator Aki Kapuuno'. The focus of this field research paper is on the beliefs and ritual practices of the Timugon connected to their traditional rice agriculture. This study found that for generations, the Timugon believed that since animals were created by Aki Kapuuno' for the wellbeing of humans, various types of animals and birds convey omens to guide people. Thus, the older Timugon rice cultivation is strongly influenced by good and bad omens and taboos, and also involves symbolic practices and ritual offerings to guardian spirits of the rice. After the 1930s and especially since the 1960s, most Timugon became Roman Catholic Christians. Hence, this paper also examines changes in the traditional Timugon rice cultivation related beliefs and practices due to religious conversion and other factors.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.39 no.1
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• pp.92-128
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• 2024

This study examines Gijesa, a Korean tradition of memorial worship for departed ancestors, from the perspective of analytical psychology. To understand the psychological background of ancestral rites, a literature search was conducted to examine the basis for ancestral spirits, the objects of ancestral rites, the symbolic meaning of the customs and practice of Gijesa, and the contents of volume 3 of the book Jhuza-uryu about 'Ghosts and Ancestral Rituals'. Gijesa, the Korean ancestor worship, may appear as a complicated formal ritual, but it reveals a psychological phenomenon of individuation. Gijesa facilitates a conversation between descendants and ancestors, bridging the conscious and the unconscious, leading to a realization of totality. The creative aspect of spirit worship lies in the 'realization of the individuation process' in that it fosters a connection with the collective unconscious, the root of consciousness. When an individual develops into a new integrated personality, we could gain strength from the support of ancestors, the support of the unconscious. The relationship with the spirits of ancestors is essential because consciousness has an important relationship with its root, the collective unconscious, especially for those of us living in an era of chaos where the fundamental meaning of human existence is lost due to rationalism and materialism.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.25 no.5
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• pp.739-751
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• 2015

This study investigated the table settings used in Bul-chun-wi sacrificial rituals in Sangju, Gyeongpook Province. This study took place from May 2014 to April 2015 and incorporated field research and literature review. The subjects of the study were Sojae jongga (family head), Wolgan jongga, Ubook jongga and Ipjae jongga. There were four rows in the table setting of the Wolgan, whereas there were five rows in the other jonggas. In row 5, there were fruits, seeds and confections. In row 4, there were vegetables. In row 3, there was tang (stew); in row 2, juk (steamed meats or fishes) and pyun (rice cake); and in row 1, meh (boiled rice), geng (soup) and myun (noodles). The common food setting was arranged in the order of meh, geng, myun, ganjang (Korean soy sauce), poh (dried meat/fish), chimchae (water kimchi), dates, chestnuts, pears, persimmons, walnuts, bracken, bellflowers, croaker, pyun, and ssam (rice wrapped in lettuce leaves). Ubook jongga had the most number of stews at seven. Sojae and Ipjae jongga each had five stews, and Wolgan jongga had three. The smaller Wolgan jongga had gehjuk (boiled chicken), uhjuk (steamed fish) and yookjuk (boiled meat) arranged in a neat pile on one dish used for rituals, whereas Ubook jongga had gehjuk, uhjuk and yookjuk arranged separately. Sojae and Ipjae jongga had gehjuk arranged separately while yookjuk and uhjuk were arranged as dojuk (gehjuk, uhjuk, yookjuk). The uhjuk was arranged separately. In Wolgan jongga, po was arranged on the right while in the other jonggas, it was arranged to the left. For raw meat Ubook jongga, raw mackerel; Ipjae jongga, raw croaker, and Sojae jongga Yukhoe (beef tartare) were set. However, pork, chicken and croaker were cooked. Other ritual food were used in seasoning and boiling. In the geng Wolgan and Ipjae jongga used miyeokguk (seawood soup), whereas Sojae and Ubook jongga used tangguk (meat soup with vegetables). For the ritual food, most jongga ordered yoogwa, yakgwa and bonpyun as one part, rice cakes (steamed rice cake, glutinous rice cake, jeungpyun, gyungdan), and jehju (alcohol). The other ritual food was prepared on the day by jongga.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.10
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• pp.63-80
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• 1986

The Old Testament cotains mention of the history of creation and clothing in ancient Hebrew. This study dealt with Hebrew dress customs especially aimed at the manners of their hair styles, headgears, footwear and personal ornaments. References are Korean Revised Version, English King James Version and Revised Standard Version. There is little mention of hair styles and headgears in the Old Testament. Some sort of turban was worn by priests, and soldiers protected themselves with helmets, but most Israelitish men went bareheaded except on special occasions and often wear simple headbands. It was more common for women to use headwear of some type-turbans, scarves, and veils concealing the face. The veil was the distinctive female wearing apparel. All females, with the exception of maidservants and women in a low condition of life, wore a veil. It was the custom for women to wear a veil entirely covering their head in the public. Through most of the Old Testament periods long and thick hair was admired on men and women alike. The Hebrews were proud to have thick and abundant long hair, and they gave much attention to the care of their hair. The caring of hair was deeply related to their rituals. Nazirites never took a razor to their hair during his vow-days, but instead let it grow long, as an offering to God. Men would not cut their beards, but allow them to grow long. The Israelites' standard footwear was a pair of simple leather sandals. This was one of the items of clothing not highly prized. In a colloquial saying of the time, a pair of shoes signified something of small value, and to be barefoot except in times of mourning or on holy place, was a sign either of extreme poverty or humiliation, as in the case of war prisoners. Because precious stones were not mined in the Palestine-Syria region, Hebrews imported them from foreign country. They were consumer-to a large degree limited by their very modest standard of living-but not producers. Hebrews liked the precious stones and were motivated to acquire and wear jewels. Besides their use for adornment and as gifts, the precious or semiprecious stones were regarded by Jews of property. The Hebrews were not innovators in the field of decorative arts. The prohibition of the Law against making any "graven image" precluded the development of painting, sculpture, and other forms of representational art. Jewish men did not indulge in extravagances of dress, and there was little ornamentation among them. Men wore a signet ring on their right hand or sometimes suspended by a cord or chain around the neck. The necklaces, when worn by a male, also bore any symbol of his authority. Bracelets were extremely popular with both men and women, men usually preferring to wear them on their upper arms. The girdle was a very useful part of a man's clothing. It was used as a waist belt, or used to fasten a man's sword to his body, or served as a pouch in which to keep money and other things. Men often carried a cane or staff, which would be ornamented at the top. Among the women there was more apt to be ornamentation than among the men. Hebrew women liked to deck themselves with jewels, and ornamentation of the bride were specially luxurious and numerous. They wore rings on their fingers or On toes, ankle rings, earrings, nosering, necklace, bracelets. Their shapes were of cresent, waterdrops, scarab, insect, animal or plant. Sometimes those were used as amulets. They were made of ceramics, gold, silver, bronze, iron, and various precious stones which were mostly imported from Egypt and Sinai peninsular. Hebrews were given many religious regulations by Moses Law on their hair, headgears, sandals and ornamentation. Their clothing were deeply related with their customs especially with their religions and rituals. Hebrew religion was of monotheism and of revealed religion. Their religious leaders, the prophets who was inspired by God might need such many religious regulations to lead the idol oriented people to God through them.