• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.203-209
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• 1974

This study is intended to comparison of the recent ideal number of children and atrial approach for analyzing value system for children that form attitude affecting birth control with earlier study conducted 10 years ago. In general the traditional fertility pattern of Korea may be considered as 'early marriage and high fertility' backed by the confucian value system of a farming-oriented country. A selective attitude favoring sons contributes substantially to fertility. But Korea is now moving toward a late marriage and fertility pattern. This has been due to the repid introduction of western culture and a partial acceptance of western value systems, a relative weakening of traditional value systems, a gradual increase in infant and child servival rates thresh medicines, and a desire to avoid having too many children because of economic poverty. This study showed following results: Ideal number of sons and daughters in urban area was decreased by 0.2 respectively compared to earlier study. In rural area, the number of decrease of sons and daughters was 0.5 and 0.2 respectively. The conception concerning Happiness has changed to wealth from health in previous opinion. Regarding attitude toward having sons, 98 percent of them wanted to have sons positively, moreover 10 percent of them wanted two or more sons. Regarding reasons for the wanting sons, we see that economic and traditional considerations, such as dependance in old age, and inheritance of the family line, are a principle concern of about 56 percent in both areas. The rate of dependence in old age was decreased conspicuously compare to previous study while the rate of helding rituals was increased remarkably in rural area. Among reasons for limiting family size. 'for better living and for better education for their children were main rasons reted 46 percent in urban, 51 percent in rural areas. The rates were not changed compare to previous study. Regarding attitude of those who have no son or children, the rate of re-marriage with second wife was decreased remarkably in rural area and the rate of living without special behaivor for having son was increased compare to previous study.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.14 no.2 s.42
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• pp.143-157
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• 2005

This study aims to analyze functions and characteristics of 'Cha-il(遮日)' which was used at ritual events(宮中儀禮行事) in the Joseon dynasty, Joseon dynasty had many ritual events related with O-Rae(五禮). Cha-il was almost used at important ritual events, especially at the congratulatory events. The congratulatory events(宮中宴享) are the representative events were held with many temporary install facilities(假設施設) in a palace. Cha-il was a kind of Korean traditional membrane structures. Cha-il was set up for cutting off interior space from sunlight and rain. In general, Cha-il was Consisted of Cha-il-jang(遮日帳:woven fabric), Cha-il-jook(遮日竹:bamboo column), some ropes, and fixing wares. In the congratulatory events, three types of Cha-il. were set up. Baek-mok-Dae-Cha-il(白木大遮日)was made of cotton cloth. Yu-Dun-Cha-Il(油芚遮日) was made of oiled paper or oiled cotton cloth. Man-Joen-Cha-Il(滿箭遮日) consisted of wooden structure. Baek-mok-Dae-Cha-il(白木大遮日)was set up on the most important area of stage for protecting from sunlight. Yu-Dun-Cha-Il was set up on less important area of stage for protecting from sunlight and rain. Man-Joen-Cha-Il was set up below Baek-mok-Dae-Cha-il for supporting and draining raindrops off. The results of this study were as follows; Functions of Cha-il were to protect ritually space from sunlight and rain, and to extend ritually space, and to reconstruct ritually space. Cha-il was the peculiar temporary install facility which differed from other countries.

• Journal of Elementary Mathematics Education in Korea
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.87-98
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• 1997

A practice is classified into the practice as a content and the practice as a method. The former means that the practical nature of mathematical knowledge itself should be a content of mathematics and the latter means that one should teach the mathematical knowledge in such a way as the practical nature is not damaged. The practical nature of mathematics means mathematician's activity as it is actually done. Activities of the mathematician are not only discovering strict proofs or building axiomatic system but informal thinking activities such as generalization, analogy, abstraction, induction etc. In this study, it is found that the most instructive ones for the future users of mathematics are such practice as content. For the practice as a method, students might learn, by becoming apprentice mathematicians, to do what master mathematicians do in their everyday practice. Classrooms are cultural milieux and microsoms of mathematical culture in which there are sets of beliefs and values that are perpetuated by the day-to-day practices and rituals of the cultures. Therefore, the students' sense of ‘what mathematics is really about’ is shaped by the culture of school mathematics. In turn, the sense of what mathematics is really all about determines how the students use the mathematics they have learned. In this sense, the practice on which classroom instruction might be modelled is that of mathematicians at work. To learn mathematics is to enter into an ongoing conversation conducted between practitioners who share common language. So students should experience mathematics in a way similar to the way mathematicians live it. It implies a view of mathematics classrooms as a places in which classroom activity is directed not simply toward the acquisition of the content of mathematics in the form of concepts and procedures but rather toward the individual and collaborative practice of mathematical thinking.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.109-122
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• 2010

The present study aims to investigate cultural similarities and differences that influence interracial couples (between Korean men and Vietnamese women) when adapting to Korean family culture in terms of interculturalism. The interviewees consisted of three generations. This study used in-depth interviews. Data was collected from January to August 2008. 15 families (45 people) were used for analysis. Results were as follows: (1) the patriarchal culture of the two nations had a positive influence on the adaptation of members during family interactions(2) the culture of filial piety is a value system that both nations believe is important. However, different rituals had a negative influence on the practice of filial piety (3) the community-oriented culture is regarded as important in the two nations. However, Vietnamese wives cannot lead a free community life because Koreans see them in negative terms (4) the Vietnamese traditional wedding custom called "NopJjeOh" had a negative influence on the adaptation to the Korean family culture (5) the preference for sons in Vietnam is not as high as in Korea. This difference had a negative influence on adaptation (6) clear differences between the daily lives of the two nations had a negative influence on adaptation to Korean family culture. In conclusion, Korea and Vietnam have many similarities in culture, which enable Vietnamese wives to adapt to Korean culture more easily than other foreign wives. If various programs are developed to promote the mutual understanding between both cultures based on these research findings, it would further contribute toward social integration in Korea.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.67 no.4
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• pp.38-57
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• 2017

Traditional costume in Indonesia represents identity of a person and it displays the origin and the status of the person. Where culture and religion are fused, the traditional costume serves one of the most functions in rituals in Bali. This research aims to analyze the characteristics of Balinese costumes by focusing on the Legong dance costume. Quantitative research was performed using 332 images of Indonesian costumes and 210 images of Balinese ceremonial costumes. Qualitative research was performed by doing field research in Puri Saba, Gianyar and SMKN 3 SUKAWATI(Traditional Art Middle School). The paper illustrates the influence and structure of Indonesian traditional costume. As the result, focusing on the upper wear costume showed that the ancient era costumes were influenced by animism. They consist of tube(kemben), shawl(syal), corset, dress(terusan), body painting and tattoo, jewelry(perhiasan), and cross. The Modern era, which was shaped by religion, consists of baju kurung(tunic) and kebaya(kaftan). The Balinese costume consists of the costume of participants and the costume of performers. Bali dancing is grouped into Wali dance(sacred), Bebali dance(theatrical), and Balih-balihan dance(entertainment). The Legong dance is included in the Balih-balihan dance, and its costume developed from 1920 until present. The characteristics of Legong dance costumes are 'Theatrical,' 'Angelic,' 'Charming,' and 'Decorative.' In conclusion, the balance of religion, culture, and art gives a unique trait in Bali. The Balinese social system, which is based on Hinduism, has influenced art and its function. This relationship creates a strong structure to the Balinese ceremonial costume, especially the Legong dance costume.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.129-152
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• 2008

Early Buddhist rock cave temples of India, in spite of being an origin of Buddhist temples, has little been studied in Korea. After field studies and an interpretation of their forms in conjunction with religious life, precedent theories are supplemented and refuted as follows. Starting from the 2nd century B,C., Buddhist ascetic disciples digged residential rock caves, called vihara, for protection from monsoon rain and hot weather, A typical arrangement was settled -a courtyard type, with 3 side rows of tiny one-person bedroom and a front veranda with columns. Also digged were Chaitya caves, in line with viharas, to worship, which is the tumulus of Buddha's relics. I suggest that the original type of chaitya a simple circle cave with a stupa, suitable for circumambulating ceremonies. I refute the existing theory presenting Barabar caves of Ajivika as a chaitya origin, featuring empty circular room without a stupa. I also interpret a typical apsidal plan as being a simple result of adding a place of worshipping rites in front of the stupa. Enclosing columns around a cylindrical stupa is a result of reinforcing both the divine space and circumambulating ceremonies, with elongation toward hall. Finally the chaitya came to have a grandeur apsidal plan with high vault ceiling nave and a side aisle as in Western cathedrals with large frontal horseshoe arch windows. The Buddha image, which had become a new worshipping object, was integrated into the stupa and interior surface. First the stupa and then the statue was introduced to residential Viharas. Therefore, I suggest that the vihara should be renamed as 'chaitya' as a worshipping place, by establishing statue rooms without bedrooms at all. The functionally changed vihara is similar in form to a 'rectangular type of chaitya', little known and developed in different routes. A columned inner courtyard gradually becama an offering place, like Hindu mandapa, Buddhist caves ware changed to a kind of Tantric and Hindu temple by means of statue worshipping offering rituals.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.14 no.1 s.41
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• pp.57-70
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• 2005

This study is the consideration about Hwaryeong-Jeon that enshrines Joseon Dynasty 22nd king Jeongjo's portrait of a king. Suwon's Hwaryeong-Jeon that accompanied a portrait and performed ritual ceremonies had several formalities and ceremonies which are connected with rituals. therefore, we will try to examine what relation between arrangement of building and plane composition had. And through this, it is thing to observe construction special quality that Hwaryeong-Jeon has. Joseon Dynasty's young-jeon (a hall where the royal portraits are kept) is retaining each other different state according to construction age every moment. Hwaryeong-Jeon among Joseon Dynasty's a hall of royal portraits is the construction form which is equiped well and is known for keeping the form well from the foundation to now And this building is evaluated as the standard form of early part young-jeon building of 19th century. Especially, Hwaryeong-Jeon shows the typical ritual equipments late Joseon Dynasty and at the same time has all kinds of characteristics which only we can find at Hwaryeong-Jeon. Namely, Hwaryeong-Jeon is the building which brings the design concept of the hall of royal portraits to completion as the building which enshrines single portrait of a king. After all, Hwaryeong-Jeon is evaluated as the building which can pass excellent form of late Joseon Dynasty, the hall of royal portraits building just as it is. Therefore, as I study its own style, I expect Joseon Dynasty's mind that enshrined the portrait of a king elaborately to be revealed.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.37 no.1
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• pp.133-143
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• 1999

Originally, ancestral rites is a ceremony to pay filial piety to ancestors continuously even though they died, and this is a startingpoint based on the thought of paying respect to ancestors and 'root consciousness' which Korean people have. In the earliest days, Korean people worshipped nature and the sacrificial rituals were performed mainly for the fods of the skies and the earth. After the end-Koryeo Era introduced [Juja-Garye]ancestrial rites of forefather in home generalized. By the way, the foods for ancestrial rites on the original literature centering the [Sa-Rye-Pyon-Ram]are as follows: raw meat(saeng: 牲), rice and broth(ban, gaeng: 飯羹), fruits(果), slice meats(po: 脯), salted dry fish(jaban(佐飯), rice punch(sikhye: 食醯), soup(tang: 湯), fish and meat, roasts beef (jeok: 炙), roast vegetable(sookchae: 熟菜), rice cake(pyon: 餠), noodles(麵), soy(醬), Kimchi(沈菜), drink(酒), green tea(cha: 茶) etc. Today, ancestral rites, basically with this conception, has a function to bind the family and relatives as one. But as double income family are increasing, most housewives have heavy burden mentally and financially to prepare the food for the ancestral. The foods for ancestral rites can be said a way to express the internal true heart, and a basic medium to practice the filial piety. Many documents let us know that a few days before the ancestral rites, we should prepare the food for it with careful and pious attitude. And, they stress that our sincere attitude in preparing food is important rather than its quantity. In this industrial society, we have lots of difficulty preparing and observing the same service as it in the traditional socity. But I think that housewives can be freed from the burden they have to some degree when they realize what the true meaning of ancestral rites is and that the food for it plays a role an external expression.

• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.301-316
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• 2004

In this study, 2,238 incidents from History of the Three States, Prehistory of the Three States, History of Koryo, True Records of Chosun Dynasty had been analyzed in order to examine the bathing styles of Koreans. The results were as follows. In the period of Three States, baths were taken for the purposes of cleanness, remedy, and beauty culture as well as etiquettes. And spa, rainwater, rivers, streams, and bath tubs were used. In the period of Koryo, it included not only reasons for etiquettes as in the period of the Three States but also reasons for medical care and daily life. In spa, temples, and homes, baths were taken by using perfumes and towels. In Chosun Dynasty, daily baths were for hygiene, health, and bodily charms. Before religious ceremonies, they made sure that they took baths, and spa baths were popular for the medical care. The ways to take baths included the order which area was the first to be washed, time, and areas concretely, and seasons, weather, and conditions of body were considered before taking baths. Moreover, the places included natural places such as streams, reservoirs, rivers, as well as artificial places such as temples, places for envoys, and palaces. Especially, in spa areas, bathing buildings were constructed. Considering all these, baths were taken for the purposes of ceremonies and medical care in the period of the Three States, and daily baths took down their roots in the period of Koryo. In the period of Chosun Dynasty, spa baths for cures, prays and rituals, hygiene and bodily charms were considered as a reason. How to take baths and means were decided carefully. Therefore, the results above demonstrated that baths took down their roots in people's daily life in Korea since the period of Koryo.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.1
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• pp.90-102
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• 2008

This paper has aimed to determine how the Suwon Palkyong(水原八景: eight scenic wonders) were formed and the implicature of landscape, such as implicit intention and symbolic significance. For this, the significance and symbolic meaning of the Suwon Palkyong from the time of the 'Hwaseong Chunchu Palgyeong(華城春 秋入景)' have been investigated in order to determine the political and social arguments in Suwon Palkyong that surrounded the formation process and meaning. The 'Hwaseong Chunchu Palkyong' contains a variety of significant elements and factors of Pungmul(Korean drum & dance) as well as formative elements such as a castle. Plantings for beautiful scenery and water use for flood control have also been major elements in the development of Hwaseong. Therefore, it seems that the 'Hwaseong Chunchu Palkyong' is a catchphrase for the future image of the urban landscape. Most Suwon Palkyong sites such as Paldalsan, Namje, Yungneung, Manseokgeo, Chukmanje, Hwahongmun, and Yongji(a pond in Banghwa Suryujeong) are related to the 'Hwaseong Chunchu Palkyong'. 'Gwanggyo Jeokseol(光敎積雪: the landmark mountain, Mt. Gwanggyo with snow)' and 'Paldal Cheongnam(八達晴嵐: Mt. Paldal with shimmering air)' have also been added to Suwon Palkyong. Suwon Palkyong is either directly or indirectly related with water including the origin of Suwoncheon(水原川), an artificial reservoir for flood control and irrigation and Bibopungsu in Yungneung(隆陵), as well as the source of water for rituals after the death of King Jeongjo(正祖大王). Based on Suwon Palkyong, therefore, it can be said that water is a decisive medium in connecting old Suwon with Hwaseong New Town and essential element in the natural landscape. In conclusion, while Hwaseong is a 'Designed Landscape' that was created with a specific intention during the reign of King Jeongjo, the 'Hwaseong Chunchu Palkyong is a 'Desired Landscape' that envisioned a future landscape while Suwon Palkyong is an 'Evolved Landscape' related to the business affairs of the citizens. To completely restore Hwaseong, whose value and importance have been recognized internationally, therefore, the fundamental restoration of a cultural landscape as well as the restoration of the original form of the Hwaseong landscape including Suwon Palkyong is essential.