• Strategy21
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• s.36
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• pp.121-149
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• 2015

This paper will examine some past and current issues concerning the Republic of Korea's national strategy, focusing predominantly upon how the ROK should respond to the urgent maritime-oriented strategy highlighted by the recent developments and achievements of national prosperity achieved during last three decades and identify some of successful cases in East Asia. Some consideration will also be given to more general emergent issues of trends and developments of East Asian countries which might affect to define the ROK's future national strategy in the context of its national grand strategy to enhance national interests and prosperity. ROK is especially dependent upon open Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOC) and its national security emphasizes the sea as the medium of geopolitical and geo-economic development, given the sea known as core geographic option remains that ROK is an important maritime power, ranking the world-level nation in term of GDP, sea-borne trade, container processing capability, shipbuilding capacity and so on. It should be apparent, therefore, that ROK's national strategic development depends upon the relationship between its peninsula geography and its national development based on sea-borne economic growth and its maritime-oriented future national strategy will be the best option to maintain its national development and economic prosperity.

• Korean Journal of Remote Sensing
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• v.34 no.2_2
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• pp.419-429
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• 2018

An unmanned autonomous maritime surface system can move the vehicle to the areas for observing the ocean accidents, disasters, and severe weather conditions. Detection and monitoring technologies have been developed by the converging of the regional and local surveillance system. Wave Glider, one of the autonomous maritime surface systems, is ocean-wave propelled autonomous surface vehicle and controlled using Iridium satellite communication. In this study, we carried out two-time Wave Glider observations for 2016 and 2017 summer in the East China Sea that the area was influenced by low-salinity water. We observed the sea surface warming effect due to the low-salinity water using the regional (satellite) and local (Wave Glider) surveillance system. We also monitored the effect of the typhoon and understood the change of the ocean-atmosphere environments in real-time. New unmanned surface system with autonomous system and high endurance structure can measure comprehensively and usefully a long observation in complicated ocean environments because of connecting with other surveillance systems.

• Journal of Navigation and Port Research
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• v.36 no.10
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• pp.925-931
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• 2012

The purpose of this study: firstly, investigate cognition of affiliated members about manpower distribution of the South Regional Headquarters Korea Coast Guard(SRH-KCG) and danweis. Secondly, seek ways to reasonable manpower distribution of SRH-KCG and danweis. And this study's research subjects are five coast guards(Busan coast guard, Tongyeong coast guard, Yeosu coast guard, Jeju coast guard, Seogwipo coast guard) belonged to SRH-KCG. The results of this study: firstly, 56.7% of affiliated members approved the need to organizational diagnosis. Secondly, must manpower loading in order of Busan coast guard Tongyeong coast guard Jeju coast guard. Thirdly, must manpower loading in order of maritime safety division the security division criminal investigation divition.

• Strategy21
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• s.43
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• pp.125-174
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the status of naval arms race in Northeast Asia. To this end, the scope of the research was limited to national security strategies, maritime strategies and naval strengthening of the United States, China, Russia and Japan. The major powers' active maritime strategies and naval arms race give some strategic implications to the Republic of Korea Navy as follows. First, China and Japan, unlike the past, are actively using submarines in offshore waters including the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, the ROK Navy must successfully promote the Jangbogo-III-class submarine, which is currently constructed, and get a nuclear-powered submarine and P-8 MPA capable of long-range and long-time operations to enhance ASW capability. Second, North Korea's current building submarines capable of loading SLBMs and SLBMs are a new threat to the ROK Navy. The current building KAMD, which focuses on terminal phase defense, cannot effectively respond to North Korea's SLBMs and should be converted to a multi-layered defense system including SM-3 at a mid-course phase. Third, as China militarizes the South China Sea, the instability of the South China Sea is growing. Therefore, the ROK Navy should strengthen its maritime cooperation with the regional countries such as Japan and ASEAN navies to protect SLOC. In conclusion, the ROK Navy needs to build a strong naval power to keep in mind that the 21st century naval rivalry in Northeast Asia is accelerating. The navy must do one's best to protect national strategic and vital interests by strengthening cooperation with regional countries. South Korea is also accelerating its defense reforms in accordance with the pattern of future warfare and the ROK Navy do one's best to have a balanced naval capability capable of actively operating in the offshore waters.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.44-64
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• 2017

Russia's push in the Asia-Pacific region stems from its interests that have the national, regional and global dimensions. In their turn, the aims of this policy are civilizational, geopolitical, economic and prospective, with a long-term outlook. In the course of their achievement, cooperation with Northeast Asia's countries will play one of the key roles owing to the factors of geographic proximity, Northeast Asia's economic potential, risk hedging and a growing influence Northeast Asia exerts upon the global development. A new cooperation paradigm between Russia and the states of Northeast Asia should be based upon establishing and cementing self-reproducing ties. This is the central aim of Russian initiatives in relations, with Japan, the Republic of Korea, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Mongolia and China. However, numerous obstacles ranging from Russia's absence in the regional free trade agreements and supply-production chains of value-added production to the permanent international instability generated by Pyongyang's missile-nuclear developments hamper the practical implementation of this task. Realizing the necessity to give an additional impetus to this new cooperative paradigm, Russia has to develop directions with an apparent consolidating effect. The most promising may be the establishment of a permanent security forum based upon Northeast Asia Peace and Security Mechanism chaired by the Russian Federation. The urgency of this measure and its expected support stem from the necessity to strengthen security in Northeast Asia, a task neither the US-led hub-and-spoke system nor ASE-AN-led multilateral dialogue venues have been able to resolve. The issues addressed at the security forum must include the unification of approaches to North Korean nuclear issue and producing a document specifying actions of the claimants on the disputed maritime territories in the "direct contact" situations. At the expert level, Russia has elaborated on the idea to establish such a forum outlining the spectrum of the key directions of cooperation. With the urgency in the establishment of this dialogue venue, its agenda has to be coordinated with the agendas of the existing security systems presented by the US alliances and the ASE-AN-led multilateral negotiations. The practical implementation of this initiative will strengthen security in Northeast Asia as its challenges will be resolved in the pre-emptive way based on coordinated approaches. Therefore, Russia as the Eurasian state will be one of the role players in the advent of the Asian century.

• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.104-143
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• 2015

China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21^st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.

• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.149-177
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• 2014

Today distant oceans around the world are regarded as a major 'global commons' for international trade and transportation. Korea is not an exception, because Korea hugely depends on sea lines of communication (SLOC) for supplying vital commodities such as food and energy resource. As a result, assuring a free and safe use of distant ocean beyond territory is also an important agenda for Korea's maritime security. However there are a number of challenges for Korea to enjoy a free and safe use of distant ocean; dangers of regional maritime conflict in East Asia, naval arms race of China and Japan, and concerns on possible decline of U.S naval presence and power projection capabilities. These factors provide a reasonable basis for Republic of Korea Navy (ROKN) to pursue capabilities for major naval operations at distant ocean in a long-term perspective toward the year 2030. The introduction of aircraft carrier and nuclear-powered submarine is a key requirement for achieving this goal. ROKN needs to acquire a 'multi-role strategic landing platform' type of light aircraft carrier, which takes a role to escort naval task force by providing air superiority at distant ocean. Additionally nuclear-powered submarine will offer ROKN a formidable power to carry out offensive missions effectively at distant ocean.

• Maritime Security
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.175-214
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• 2020

Previous studies cannot effectively explain the rise of piracy in Somalia and NIgeria. First, there is a lack of explanation for the process that from a small maritime robbery into a org anized pirate g roup. Second, it is difficult to explain the low level of piracy in countries with extreamly poor conditions, from Somalia to Nigeria. In this study, I argue that the more severe foreign countries infringe on economic maritime sovereignty in vulnerable countries, the higher the intensity and frequency of piracy. If the infringement of economic maritime sovereignty caused by foreign groups occurs in a fragile state, the government could not respond to the acts of foreign groups, resulting in increased damage to maritime people, deteriorating the regional economic situation. As hostility grows, a culture favorable to piracy is created, which is actively utilized by local forces to inspire the people's hostility, and a favorable environment for piracy emerges in a way that responds politically to foreign powers. In Somalia and Nigeria, the infringement of economic maritime sovereignty by foreign groups emerged severe. And based on the stagnation of the local economy and hostility toward foreign groups, favorable conditions were formed for piracy, resulting in the rise of piracy. Meanwhile, Somalia's neighbor, one of the most fragile states in the world, Yemen have not suffered piracy. Also, the foreign infringement to the maritime economic sovereignty has rarely been observed.

• Strategy21
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• s.41
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• pp.85-107
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• 2017

The purpose of this article is to explore recent developments in piracy attacks at the global level. This article provides an overview of global trend of recent piracy attacks and presents global counter-piracy efforts at the international and governmental as well as industry level. The issue of piracy has been a grave concern of the globe, becoming the biggest threat to the safety and security navigation and seaborne trade. Overall, piracy attacks in recent years have greatly diminished owing to multi-faceted counter-piracy efforts. However, Southeast Asia and West Africa have reemerged as an hotspot of piracy. A worrisome trend in these regions is that many of piracy attacks are committed by militant groups for financing their activities. As a result, the level of violence and the sophistication of attacks have escalated. The problem of contemporary piracy is beyond a particular region or coastal state, but a common concern of the international community. In order to address the global piracy problem, international cooperation should be further strengthened at the global level as well as the regional level. As a way of counter-piracy measures in Southeast Asian waters, the creation of a joint regional coast guard to patrol the highly piracy concentration areas needs to be considered.

• Journal of Navigation and Port Research
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.91-95
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• 2010

Recently IMO and IALA have developed the strategy of e-Navigation and the concepts of VTM to enhance the safety, efficiency and security of vessel traffic and protection of the marine environment. And current technical and functional trends require vessel traffic management systems to be improved so as to control vessel traffic not only in waters of harbour area, but also within EEZ waters. Under the consideration of these circumstances, a three-layered vessel traffic management system was proposed in this paper. The proposed system consists of three sub-systems, called Local VTS, Regional VTS and National VTS, and those sub-systems are designed respectively to be suitable for managing vessel traffic within their own jurisdiction waters.