• Communications of Mathematical Education
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.849-862
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• 2009

The goal of this study is to present essential methods of minimalizing Korean populism in our society through the investigation of relations between populism and mathematical education which people don't easily recognize. We made a thorough analysis on the populism-generating elements and then presented mathematical methods which could convert micro-way of thinking into macro-one. We believe that an explicit investigation of the relations between Korean populism and mathematical education and the ensuing appropriate role-setting of mathematical education would help secure an essential solution for minimalizing populism in our society.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.123-152
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• 2011

The long standing people's culture of Latin America based on social solidarity of the communities makes the political relations between the leader and the people very different from them of the european societies based on the representative democracy. At any rate, the main stream of the Populist Discourses sees the real populist political processes with the pejorative senses attributing the demagogue style of the leaders. In these sense, it is very important to re-consider the populism discourses of Ernesto Laclau who thinks that the populism is a way of interpreting the emergence of the people to establish the social demands in the context of populist real politics. According to Laclau, "the populism seeks for the radical reconfiguration of the revolt of the 'Status Quo' and new order". This work will confirm if this interpretation of Laclau can be applied to Peronist political regime. Meanwhile the first group of the orthodox line of the discourses on populism including Gino Germani shows that the populism is a political movement based on the manipulation and demagogue by the charismatic leader of the irrational mass during the period in transition after the crises of the traditional oligarchy in Latin America. And another line of the main stream of discourses on populism including Cardoso and O'Donnell says that the populism is a political phenomena in a period of transition towards the modernization and the national development by means of the industrialization through the substitution of the imports and the alliance between the classes after the 1930's. But these principal interpretations on populism disregards that in Argentina many urban poor working class people had lived under the racist, unequal painful social relations due to the underestimation and the discrimination by the upper and the middle class with many intellectuals. But Peronism had considered them as the new social subjects with human dignities. And so we have to rethink the clientelism also with another meanings. In this sense, the theories of Ernesto Laclau on populism is very helpful to illuminate the sensitive and ambiguous meanings of Peronism. Especially Peronism makes the urban working class maintain their life styles more tended to them of the traditional communities and go towards the anti-Status Quo. That is a key of success of Peronism not only that time but until these days. And so this study will show that it is the most important thing that Peronist regime had made the emergence of the 'people' in the meaning of advancing the democracy in Argentina.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.135-170
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• 2018

The recent success of populist parties and candidates in the US and European countries leads to a massive amount of empirical research on populism, a deviant form of representative democracy. Much ink has been spilled to define populism and to identify the causes of its rise and continued success in democratic political system. However, little is known about populist attitudes of individual voters. Using a large-scale online survey fielded in the context of the South Korean presidential election in 2017, this study examines (1) what determines populist attitudes of South Korean voters and (2) how populist attitudes are associated with evaluations of political parties, candidates, and political issues. Statistical analysis reveals that people high on populism are more likely to support an underdog left-wing political party and its presidential candidate, and are less likely to support policies implemented or proposed under the auspices of the Park Geun-hye administration. These findings do not necessarily suggest the inherent affinity between populism and left-wing ideology; rather, it implies populist attitudes happened to appear in 2017, in reactions to lack of confidence in the previous government.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.201-227
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to examine how France became a representative country for far-right European populism, despite its tradition of tolerance. To achieve this goal, we examine, first, how the concept of tolerance developed in France after the 16th century. Through this process, we find that within the political system, the tolerance of the liberal tradition met with universalism, a republican value, and developed into an 'institutional tolerance' that allowed 'differences' from an authoritarian perspective rather than on an equal level. This 'assimilation' policy, reflecting a 'patriarchal' and 'oppressive' institutional tolerance, formed the keynote of the immigration policy of the 20th century, which continued until the 1980s, and shows that the French government did not take practical steps for the social integration of immigrant groups under the republican universal value that does not allow 'differences.' The government came up with an 'integration' immigration policy that embraces cultural 'differences' only after encountering problems with immigrant groups. However, this was not enough to calm the antipathy towards immigrants in French society and the discontent of immigrants in French society. Also, universalism, a republican value with deep roots in France, prevented the French immigration policy from escaping its assimilationist nature even in the 21st century. In the midst of this, far-right parties have gained power by promoting xenophobic sentiments centered on immigration problems. Finally, this study also looks at how far-right populism is currently changing the French political environment.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.5-33
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• 2019

This study aims to explore the implications of the 2019 European Parliament elections. Existing studies show that European elections serve as secondary elections dominated by domestic issues. However, the 2019 European elections have highlighted pan-European issues such as the Brexit negotiations and the rise of far-right populism, with voter turnout also rising sharply to 50.62%, which is the highest record since the 2000s. There was also a significant change in the number of parliamentary seats held by each political group. First, the European People's Party(EPP) and the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats(S&D), which had hitherto led the European Parliament, failed to achieve a majority. Second, the number of seats won by Renew Europe, a new liberal-centrist group, was considerably high. Third, the far-right groups organized a full-fledged political force by rallying around the Identity and Democracy(ID) group. The rise of liberal-centrism can be explained as a reaction to the popularity of anti-European populism. Renew Europe's emphasis on open-market competition has created a different issue, especially since the center-left and center-right groups have stressed on the need for state intervention in employment, welfare, security and immigration control. Along with far-right populism, liberal centrism has also reshuffled Europe's political cleavage, and the conflict between 'liberalism' and 'protectionism' has become more evident in the European Parliament.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.69-76
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• 2017

This paper focus on universal values and characteristics of populist parties of the Western Europe. Moreover, the causes of the European populist parties successful political activities in the European society, in which democracy is relatively established, quite stably, examined as well. Populist political activities based on simple speech are evidently unfair political actions mobilizing the unreasonable populace. populist politics is difficult to coexist with the modern Western European democracy.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.117-155
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to identify the relationship between people's ideological orientation and the populist attitude in terms of demand of populism. The influence of subjective ideology evaluation and political party support on anti-elitism (AE), people centrism (PC) and anti-pluralism (AP) are analyzed in detail. To research this, the socioeconomic factors, democracy recognition and the method of political participation are set as control variables, and the ideologies are classified into extreme conservative, conservative, moderate, progress, and extreme progress. The data are collected through nationwide online survey. The results of the analysis are as follows: First, the powerful affinity between ideological orientation and populist attitude are confirmed. The support for conservative ideology (especially extreme conservative) and the conservative party are affecting the AE and AP, and the ideology of extreme progress and support for the progressive party are influencing the PC and AP. When putting together 3 types of attitude, the conservative (especially extreme conservative) and extreme progressive ideology are the factors that determine the populism attitude. Second, There was no impact of socioeconomic variables except gender (female) and age. Third, populist attitude have a multidimensional nature determined by democratic satisfaction, government trust, external efficacy, voting and non-voting activities.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.33-48
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• 2019

The current Moon Jai-in administration in South Korea is facing serious challenges as a result of a scandal involving the manipulation of news online. Staff in Moon's camp are suspected of manipulating public opinion by creating millions of fake news comments online, contributing to Moon being elected president. This South Korean political scandal raises a number of theoretical issues with regard to new platform technologies and media manipulation. First, the incident exposes the technological limits of blocking manipulation of the news, partly because of the nature of social media and partly because of the nature of contemporary technology. Contemporary social media is often monopolistic in nature; with the majority of people are using the same platforms, and hence it is likely that they will be subject to forms of media manipulation. Second, the Korean case of news manipulation demonstrates a unique cultural aspect of Korean society. News comments and readers' replies have become a major channel of alternative news in Korea. This phenomenon is often designated as "reply journalism," since people are interested in reading the news replies of ordinary readers equally to reading news reports themselves. News replies are considered indicators of public opinion and are seen as affecting trias politica in Korean society. Third, the Korean incident of news manipulation implicates a new form of populism in the 21st century and the nature of democratic participation. This article aims to explicate key issues in media manipulation by including wider technological, cultural, and political aspects in the South Korean news media context.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.61 no.1
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• pp.109-123
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• 2011

Postmodernism has affected general culture and arts as a powerful cultural image that has governed the later 20th century, and it is still a main subject as Zeitgeist representing modern society. Accordingly, this study is to verify the role and importance of the stage costume according to change of the art trend in the present age by clarifying relations between the postmodernism and the stage costume, and analyzing the postmodernism trend shown in postmodern classes. The postmodernism trend in costume is summarized as the deconstructionism, eclecticism and the populism. Hereunder is the conclusion of applying Postmodernism characteristics and creation mechanism commonly existing in theater and costume to the costumes of Korean theaters since 1990's. First, a deconsructionism trend of the Korean theater was visualized by the expression method of disembodiment and decomposition of stage costumes. Second, expression phase of interculturalism was concretely visualized through the stage costume, and it was considered that the postmodernism creation method. Third, a populism trend since 1990's was reflected to the stage costume, and deduced consensus with the audience and subculture familiar with the public as well as appeared as a phenomenon that emphasized a recreational elements. It is analyzed that this trend is a result that a concept of sportiveness was directly transferred through strong visual expression function of the stage costume. As a result of analyzing a Korean theater of the postmodernism disposition since 1990s, the costume reflected creational will of the postmodernism of works and played an important role as visual arts, created with a similar method and form.

• Knowledge Management Research
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.1-12
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• 2014

It is tried to draw the failure traits of leadership by extracting leadership parts from previous failure studies and including some parts which mention failure leadership among leadership-related books. All of 5 patterns are drawn through total 13 types of study data. From 'insensitive to change' and authoritarianism which is mentioned 8 times in such 13 studies, to 'interpersonal problem', which is mentioned five times, traits which are mentioned at least five times are selected. There are drawn 5 traits including ${\Delta}$ authoritarianism ${\Delta}insensitive$ to change ${\Delta}lack$ of executive ability ${\Delta}populism$ and ${\Delta}interpersonal$ problem. As being examined in these 5 types of failure traits, the failure of leadership is ultimately happened because of communication heading for the inside without any communication(exchange) to the outside. That is, it is understood that authoritarian leaders don't perceive change correctly but make a wrong communication (populism) or break down communication. Additionally, the executive ability is to perform actually one's idea and to be achieved through incessant communication with members. Compared with other various studies to draw failure factors, these leadership traits have something in common. In the previous researches conducted the study of general failure factors, ${\Delta}adherence$ to preexisting business and resistance to change ${\Delta}unfeasible$ expansion strategy ${\Delta}blind$ faith in successful technology and innovation and ${\Delta}insufficiency$ to grasp competitor(consumer) are pointed out as the failure factors. It is deemed that these are happened because organizational management is headed for the inside without any communication (exchange) to the external environments. Matters unfolded through this paper until now are an attempt to apply the failure knowledge to a leadership part which is an individual field in business administration. It is considered that this study will be complemented through additional case study or quantitative analysis in the future.