Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
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v.3
no.1
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pp.87-108
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2023
From the time it was propagated to Vietnam until it was forced to relinquish its leadership position in both politics and philosophy, Confucianism in Vietnam was never orthodox Confucianism. This study employs the theory of invented tradition to examine how Confucianism penetrated the ethnic Vietnamese community at the turn of the first millennium and points out its vital requirement: the construction of a Chinese-style centralized administrative government based on Neo-Confucianism. This requirement unfolded during the Le So Dynasty in the fifteenth century. Moreover, the theory of invented tradition can also be applied to discover the motivation behind Neo-Confucianism's process of manufacturing orthodoxy to speed up the goal of Sinicization. Somehow, the launching of the imperial examination system, meant to fulfill a system of bureaucracy, ended up resolving one of the greatest challenges of medieval times. It is to seek the ruler's uncritical submission to the ruled. This article applies hauntology to analyze two forms of Confucianism discourse in Vietnam. In doing so, this study determined that Confucianism evolved into its own unique system of thought in Vietnam and in the end, was not even recognizable as Confucianism. Throughout Vietnam's turbulent history, Confucianism shifted from a symbol of progress to one of backwardness. This culminated Vietnam's preoccupation with the de-Sinicization during the early twenty-first century.
This study aimed to understand the pre-capitalistic distributional system in association with politics and economics by examining the distributional system between 1876 (the opening of a port era) and 1910. The study revealed that the distributional system reflected the political and economic characteristics and changes of the pre-capitalistic society. The examination indicated the following implications and questions. First, we need a new narrative of Chosun's distributional system before the period of Japanese occupation. Chosun's distributional system can be identified as a self sufficient system (Hwan-gok). Second, most social welfare literature discuss private self sufficient system such as Gye or Hwang-Yak as the distributional system in the pre-modern Chosun; however, this does not accurately explain the system of Chosun society. Implication of such findings are discussed.
In the process of changing the Korean electoral system, various terms such as representation, majority, minority, plurality, and proportionality are not used correctly, making normative judgment on its desirable electoral system difficult. This paper clarifies the concepts and terminology related to the electoral system in order to enable proper normative discussion. First, the misuse of the names of the electoral system is reviewed. This includes the majority representative system versus the minority representative system, the single-member constituency versus the multi-member constituency, the absolute majority system versus the relative majority system, and the majority representative system versus the proportional representative system. Next, the principles of representation, proportionality, democracy, direct ballot, and equal ballot are discussed to evaluate the decisions made by the Constitutional Court of Korea. In the current electoral system of the National Assembly, the equivalence between its constituency member and its proportional representation member is very low in terms of proportionality between votes received and seats allotted. Finally, the coherence between proportional representation and other political institutions is examined. Strengthening the proportionality of parliamentary elections alone does not necessarily increase the proportionality of the entire power structure.
We report and analyze the Korean physicians' recent general strike over the implementation of the Separation of Prescribing and Dispensing Practice (SPDP) in which more than 18,000 private clinics and 280 hospitals participated. Utilizing game-theoretic models of bargaining we explain why the Korean physicians were so successful in organizing intense collective action against the government and securing very favorable policy outcomes. In particular, we highlight the role of distributional conflict among social actors in shaping the details of institutional reform. The introduction of the SPDP was a necessary first step in the overall reform of health care system in Korea. However, the SPDP was perceived to be a serious threat to the economic viability of their profession by the vast majority of Korean physicians who had long been relied on the profits from selling medicines to compensate for the loss of income due to the low service fee under the previous health care system. The strong political coalition among heterogeneous physicians enabled them to organize an intense form of collective action, the general strike. Thus, physicians were successful not only in dragging the government to a bargaining table, but also winning in the bargaining and securing an outcome vastly favorable to them. On the other hand, the lack of an overall reform plan in the health care policy area, especially the finance of the National Health Insurance and the need for maintaining an image as a successful reform initiator, motivated the government to reach a quick resolution with the striking physicians.
This paper aims to research the historical development of the archival systems in the Primorskii Krai of the Russian Federation. The history of the archives in this region might be divided into the three periods. The first period extended from the territorial acquisition of the Far East to 1938, when the international situation reached the crisis. From then to the end of the Second World War the history of the archives of the Primorskii Krai underwent the second period. The third period has ranged from 1945 to the present day. As the imperialistic countries, including England, Germany and Russia, claimed and conquered the lands in China in the last decade of the nineteenth century, the Russian government was forced to produce a lot of records, which resulted in the establishment of the several archival institutions in the Far East region. Although the Soviet government issued "Decree On the Reorganization and Centralization of Archival Affairs in the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic" in 1918, the political turmoils prevented the Primorskii region from constructing the archival system. However, A. P. Georgievskii and his colleagues made desperate efforts to arrange the archival administration. Thanks to their struggles, the Far Eastern Republic, a buffer state, which existed from April 6, 1920 to November 14, 1922, passed the autonomous regulation, which defined the organization of the committee for the archival administration in the Primorskii region. The Primorskii Krai Archive originated from the committee. As the international situation became aggravated in the East Asia, the Soviet government made a decision to evacuate the records from the Far East region to the western Siberian cities like Tomsk, Omsk and Minusinsk. It was on August 1943 that the Central National Archive of the Far East of RSFSR was established in Tomsk. After the end of the Second World War, the main archival institutions of the Primorskii Krai, that is, the Central National Archive of the Far East of RSFSR and the Primoskii Krai Archive have played an important role in the archival administration in this region. The archivists have not only prepared the catalogues, but also proceeded the descriptions of the archival collections. Furthermore, the archival institutions of the Primorskii Krai have published a series of archives and contributed to the development of the archival system in the Far East of the Russian Federation. It might be concluded that the archives of the Primorskii Krai, reaching were the products of the desperate efforts which the archivists of this region made from the 19th century to the present day, regardless of the political changes.
As more people share their opinions in online communities, such as Internet portals and social networking services, more opinions are manipulated for the benefit of particular individuals and groups. In particular, when manipulations occur for political purposes, they influence election results as well as government policies and the quality of life. This type of manipulation has targeted the general public, and their analysis and detection has also focused on such manipulation. However, to more efficiently spread propaganda, recent manipulations have targeted common interest groups(e.g., a group of those interested in real estate) and propagated information whose content and style are customized to those groups. This work characterizes such manipulations on common interest groups and proposes method to detect manipulations. To this end, we collected and analyzed opinions posted on 10 common interest groups before and after an election. As a result, we found that manipulations on common interest groups indeed occurred and were gradually increasing toward the election date. We also proposed a detection system that examines individual opinions, their authors, and their collaborators. Using the collected opinions, we demonstrated that the proposed system can accurately classify more than 90% of manipulated opinions and that many of these opinions were posted by multiple collaborators. We believe that regular audits of opinions using the proposed system can quickly isolate manipulations and decrease their impact. Moreover, the proposed features can be used to identify manipulations in domains other than politics.
While most of countries today are opposing the issuance of private-led cryptocurrency, nevertheless they are actively jumping into the issuance of government-led digital currency such as CBDC. This article aims to find an answer to this dual attitude of countries. To achieve the purpose, this article finds out the characteristics of political power and economic interest that digital currency has and applies it to the international dimension of the Bretton Woods II System. Then come up to the conclusion that the answer can be found in the fact that the current dual attitude of countries is closely related to the crisis of the international monetary order. The Bretton Woods II System, which led the world economy through reckless monetary expansion based on credit currency, exposed its limitations through the 2008 global financial crisis and put countries into difficulties. In this situation, the cryptocurrency, which appeared by raising the issue of the monopoly power of the central authority in issuing currency, had no choice but to act as an opportunity to drive countries further and further into a corner. This article views CBDC as a national response to address these issues. In other words, countries maintain their monetary power by absorbing the challenge of private digital currency at the government level through CBDC, and use this as a stepping stone to reorganize the international monetary order in crisis with the intention to use it as a means to their advantage. That is what this article is trying to argue.
Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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v.7
no.7
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pp.69-78
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2017
This study researches and analyses the state of the learning achievement assessment of the basic curriculum of the special education in the viewpoint of the individualized education pursuing for the learning and growing of each person, and discusses the political plan for support on the basis of the results. The object of study was 129 special school teachers working in B metropolitan city applying for the basic curriculum. For the measurement, the tool developed by the examination of FGI and the specialist on the basis of test research related to the evaluation tools of the learning achievement assessment for the special education was used. As the result of analysing the real state, to evaluate the individual learning and growing in the aspect of the plan, criteria, period of the evaluation, the special education teachers were approaching in detailed and precise quality, and guiding and using the evaluation results in the various ways in the prospective of the curriculum. The recognition on the sub-element in the each area of the measurement tools showed the difference by gender, age, career, academic achievement, school class, foundation type. On the basis of the results of the real state, as the political support plan, some advice were proposed, which were the expansion of the autonomy of making the curriculum achievement standard and the evaluation system, improving the field and system of the learning achievement assessment, establishing the support system to strengthen the evaluation competences in accord with the teachers' background variables, etc.
This paper researches the system of official uniforms and characteristics of the system based on Ming-Shi(明史), Da-Ming-Hui-Dian(大明會典) and Hong-Wu-Li-Zhi(洪武禮制) in the emperor Hong-wu(洪武帝) of Ming dynasty(明). The system could be divided in to three terms, i.e., the early (initial), the middle and the end (last) terms. In the first(1368) & the third year of the emperor's reign (1370) the system of official uniforms was simple f9r his people not to be luxurious and for revived the system of official uniforms of the Han dynasty(漢) and annulled the system of the Yuan dynasty(元), be-cause the country was not stable yet. During the middle term of Hong-wu, the 14th (1381) to 16th (1383) year of his reign, people attained luxurious lives and developed a strong sense of rank as the country became more stable. As a result, the system became more complicated when the emperor used the costumes to represent political and social ranking. In the end of the emperor's age, the 23rd (1390) to 26th (1393), it reveals his strong intention to establish a system of costumes that separated the ruler from the ruled. He wanted to strengthen the power of Emperor for his little grandson, Jian-wen(建文帝), who would succeed to the throne and would have absolute power. These changes became fundamental to the Ming dynasty's costume system and the Ming dynasty kept them for long time.
Proceeding of Spring/Autumn Annual Conference of KHA
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2009.04a
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pp.175-180
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2009
According to an increasing demand of political support and development on renewable energy as a solution for the energy problem in Korea, the government has established a goal to raise renewable energy supply from 2.27% to 5% until 2011. Especially in the case of public building in which energy use is in great demand, it would bring a great advantage to develop and utilize the Photovoltaic System as an electric energy and Geothermal Heat Pump System as a thermal energy. On the occasion of Photovoltaic System, Photovoltaic module can be used as an architectural material so that it can reduce construction cost and when we use solar energy, it is possible to make building's own power supply. As for Geothermal Heat Pump System, It can be used infinitely as long as the solar energy exist and operation cost is cheap and yearly efficiency is stable. However, we need to make a plan to reduce early investment expanses for these two renewable energy systems and to expand a diffusion rate as we develop a competitive domestic technology level. So in this study, we are going to perform evaluation of economical efficiency according to the introduction of Photovoltaic System and Geothermal Heat Pump System in public buildings which will be built up inside of Daegu Sin-seo innovation city. As a first step, we will investigate present installation condition of these two renewable energy systems and based upon that, will seek efficient introduction program of renewal energy systems that can be applied in public buildings.
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