• Korean System Dynamics Review
• /
• v.14 no.4
• /
• pp.113-141
• /
• 2013

The main purpose of this research is to introduce PsyCap(Positive Psychological Capital) and new leadership helping ordinary people to create positive thinking and leading to social integration in South Korea. Additionally, by looking at conventional leadership theories and by applying the PsyCap to leadership based on causal loop analysis, this study is to seek new approach which political leader is able to communicate with the people and can help the people to build positive mine. Throughout this study, there are several important implications how political leader can lead to social integration and stable political development in South Korea. In particular, when political leader encourage the people to have confidence to take on and put in the necessary effort to succeed at challenging tasks, when political leader make the people a positive attribution (optimism) about succeeding now and in the future, when political leader help the people to persevere toward goals and redirection paths to goals (hope) in order to succeed, and when political leader make the people beset by problems and adversity environment to overcome these concerns, it can be expected political leader to build social integration and the people to create positive thinking which has been emphasized by political leader in South Korea. Finally, 21st century has required new political leadership that the people are able to make positive psychological capital composed by optimism, hope, confidence, and resilience.

• Korea journal of population studies
• /
• v.25 no.1
• /
• pp.145-179
• /
• 2002

This study explores the change of family policy in Germany focused on political ideologies and instruments of CDU/CSU and SPD. In past 50 years after the 2. world war the family policy in Germany has been influenced by ideologies of 2 major political parties. With conservative political perspectives, CDU and CSU intend to strengthen the institution family and traditional division of domestic work. Therefore, they prefer indirect support methods by income tax benefit for family as political instrument. SPD with liberal political perspectives intends to support working married women and children. As political instrument SPD prefers allowance for child to indirect support system. This different political perspectives of 2 major parties have been reflected automatically on the federal administrative system(BMFSFJ) which takes responsibility of family policy in Germany. Through the analysis of attitudes to family policy of major parties in Germany this paper attempts to be manifest the problem of korean family policy and to find implications of german modell.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
• /
• v.22 no.10
• /
• pp.57-66
• /
• 2022

The aim of the article is to investigate socio-political processes in Ukraine on the basis of institutional and behavioral approaches, in particular their regulatory and informational support. Methodology. To determine the nature and content of sociopolitical processes, the following approaches have been used: 1. Institutional approach in order to analyze the development of Ukraine's political institutions. 2. The behavioral approach has been used for the analysis of socio-political processes in Ukraine in the context of political behavior of citizens, their political activity which forms the political culture of the country. Results. The general features of the socio-political situation in Ukraine are as follows: the formed model of government, which can be conditionally described as "presidential"; public demand for new leaders remains at a high level; the society has no common vision of further development; significant tendency of reduction of real incomes of a significant part of the society and strengthening of fiscal pressure on businessmen will get a public response after some time. Increasing levels of voice, accountability, efficiency of governance and the quality of the regulatory environment indicate a slow change in the political system, which will have a positive impact on public sentiment in the future. At the same time, there has been little change in the quality of Ukraine's institutions to ensure political stability, the rule of law and control of corruption. There are no cardinal changes in the development of the institution of property rights, protection of intellectual rights, changes in the sphere of ethics and control of corruption. Thus, Ukraine's political institutions have not been able to bring about any change in the social-political processes. Accordingly, an average level of trust and confidence of citizens in political institutions and negative public sentiment regarding their perception and future change can be traced in Ukraine.

• Korea and Global Affairs
• /
• v.3 no.1
• /
• pp.5-38
• /
• 2019

After the democratization movement in 1987, korean politics was transformed into three kim's politics by y Kim Yeong-sam, Kim Dae-jung and Kim Jong-pil. Before the time of three kim's politics, korean politics lasted for one long term, but three kim's politics made possible the peaceful regime change through political party integration and party coalition. The evaluation of three kim's politics coexist both positive and negative. The Positive political effects are diversification of political party composition and stabilization of regime change. Three kim's politics transformed the political party composition of Korea from a two-party system to a multi-party system, made possible a peaceful regime change through the unification of three parties and the DJP coalition. However, the negative political distortions of three kim's politics are the shortening of political parties and the concentration of political ideology. In three kim's politics, political party in Korea has a very short life due to the creation of political parties, the dissolution of political parties, the reorganization of political parties and the integration of political parties. Conservatism and progressive tendencies related three kim's politics were stabilized through Yeongnam region and Honam region. Therefore, three kim's politics means that the proportion of Korean politics is very high. Political effects and distortions derived from three kim's politics have become a challenge for Korean politics to overcome.

• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.7 no.1
• /
• pp.7-43
• /
• 2023

This study examines and identified a series of strategies of Russia's political elites to maintain and strengthen their dominance by reviewing the case of revisions in the election laws of Russia in 2014. At that time, a mixed-member electoral system was newly introduced, and on the surface, it seemed that the new system was a step toward meeting the demands of the people for "enhanced democracy". However, in 2016 and 2021, the ruling party of Russia won the general elections by making the most of the factors that could distort the election results inherent in the mixed-member electoral system. Therefore, this study aimed to analyze whether the revision of election laws was a mere vehicle used by the ruling party, United Russia, to maintain its political power, or whether it was a leap forward to achieve democracy. The study result indicate that the revision of election laws in 2014 was part of the policy responses to the internal conflicts in the circle of Russia's political elites, which had been rising since 2008, as well as to the public resistance. In other words, it was confirmed that the revision of election laws was one of the measures taken to "minimize competition" and "reproduce political power on a stable basis".

• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.1 no.2
• /
• pp.2-12
• /
• 2017

Research on democratic transitions has relatively ignored the question of why some countries experience a regressive form of political pacts, while others do not. This paper develops a simple game-theoretic model to explain the phenomenon of collusive pacts in the process of democratization. Trasformismo is a term that refers to a system of political exchange based on informal clientelistic politics. The existing studies of the politics of trasformismo have emphasized the timing of industrialization and the tradition of strong state as conditions of the politics of trasformismo. However, not every late industrializers and not every strong states experienced some variants of collusive political pacts in their trajectories of democratization. In this paper, I contend that the politics of trasformismo is rather a generalizable pattern of political elites' behavior under particular circumstances. By developing a simple game theoretic model, this paper suggests the conditions under which political actors are likely to collude to a regressive form of political pacts. The model shows that the likelihood of collusion to a regressive form of political pacts is a function of a set of parameters. First, a higher level of incumbency advantage in electoral competition is likely to be associated with a higher probability of collusive political pacts. Second, a higher degree of the monopoly of political representation of political parties without a close link with a variety of societal forces is likely to induce collusive behavior among politicians. Third, the ruling party leader's expectations about the likelihood of a safe extrication are related to collusive political pacts. This paper then engages in a case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea. The 1990 Korean case is interesting in that the ruling party created a new party after having merged with two opposition parties. This case can be considered a result of political maneuver in a context of democratization. The case study suggests the empirical relevance of the game-theoretic model. As the game of trasformismo and the case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea have shown, the collusive political pact was neither determined by a certain stage of economic development nor by a particular cultural systems. Rather, it was a product of the art of trasformismo based on party leaders' rational calculations of the expected likelihood of taking governing power.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
• /
• v.8 no.3
• /
• pp.180-196
• /
• 2020

This paper considers Japanese political interviews to integrate conversation and facial expression analysis. The behaviors of political leaders will be disclosed by analyzing questions and responses by using the turn-taking system in conversation analysis. Additionally, audiences who cannot understand verbal expressions alone will understand the psychology of political leaders by analyzing their facial expressions. Integral analyses promote understanding of the types of facial and verbal expressions of politicians and their effect on public opinion. Politicians have unique techniques to convince people. If people do not know these techniques and ways of various expressions, they will become confused, and politics may fall into populism as a result. To avoid this, a complete understanding of verbal and non-verbal behaviors is needed. This paper presents two analyses. The first analysis is a qualitative analysis that deals with Prime Minister Shinzō Abe and shows that differences between words and happy facial expressions occur. That result indicates that Abe expresses disgusted facial expressions when faced with the same question from an interviewer. The second is a quantitative multiple regression analysis where the dependent variables are six facial expressions: happy, sad, angry, surprised, scared, and disgusted. The independent variable is when politicians have a threat to face. Political interviews that directly inform audiences are used as a tool by politicians. Those interviews play an important role in modelling public opinion. The audience watches political interviews, and these mold support to the party. Watching political interviews contributes to the decision to support the political party when they vote in a coming election.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
• /
• v.11 no.3
• /
• pp.51-58
• /
• 2023

Through this incident, it reminds me of the idea that personnel appointments are everything once again. Public officials should try to be good at ethics and conduct. If a public official fails to fulfill his or her role as a public official, how can the public trust him or her? You should know that the country does not exist under that official. Looking back on the constitutional history after liberation, it is undeniable that the collusion between politicians and businessmen shocked the people with many suspicions and distrust, and the various irregularities they caused disrupted healthy democracy and the national economic order. In this respect, this paper focuses on Korean political reform measures, but also examines ways to improve public officials' ethics. This paper focuses on that political reform should move in the direction of revitalizing the function of the National Assembly and allowing autonomous and independent parliamentary activities. Parliamentary activities should not be too dampened, and it should not end in a brief promotion in consideration of election votes. The ruling and opposition parties should seriously consider and implement this political reform plan. As one of the people, I hope that this privilege reform plan can be a touchstone for the advancement of political culture. This paper was studied as follows. First, the purpose and justification of political reform were identified. Second, it emphasized the need to improve public service ethics. Third, the problems and improvement measures of political reform were considered.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.27 no.1
• /
• pp.41-77
• /
• 2021

It has been 20 years since the gender quota system for expanding women's political representation was enacted. However, the proportion of Korean women's representatives has not exceeded 20 percent. This study examines how the gender quota system, public funding for women candidates, and public funding for women's development, which are the three pillars of the legal system to expand women's representation, have changed systematically over the past 20 years, how they affected women's representation, and what institutional limitations they have. In addition, it explores the im/possible conditions of reforms for expanding women's representation. To reform the legal system for women's representation, it is necessary to understand that Korea's political system is arranged in a gender-based way in a male-dominated structure, while also understanding that the existence of critical actors and mass driving reforms for gender equality in politics is essential.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
• /
• v.24 no.5
• /
• pp.217-223
• /
• 2024

The current study aimed to evaluate the effectiveness of using Support Vector Machine (SVM) for political affiliation classification. The system was designed to analyze the political tweets collected from Twitter and classify them as positive, negative, and neutral. The performance analysis of the SVM classifier was based on the calculation of metrics such as accuracy, precision, recall, and f1-score. The results showed that the classifier had high accuracy and f1-score, indicating its effectiveness in classifying the political tweets. The implementation of SVM in this study is based on the principle of Structural Risk Minimization (SRM), which endeavors to identify the maximum margin hyperplane between two classes of data. The results indicate that SVM can be a reliable classification approach for the analysis of political affiliations, possessing the capability to accurately categorize both linear and non-linear information using linear, polynomial or radial basis kernels. This paper provides a comprehensive overview of using SVM for political affiliation analysis and highlights the importance of using accurate classification methods in the field of political analysis.