• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.15-33
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• 2011

The late $19^{th}$ and early $20^{th}$ centuries of Korea were the times when the Confucianism (牲理學) ideology was shaken heavily under the influences of modernism and capitalism by Western and Japanese military and political-economic forces. Under such circumstances, alteration of clothing was much influenced by ideologies than changes in social structure or technological advance. In this study, an ideology was defined as "the force which drives people into a particular social order". Ideologies were postulated as an ongoing process of socialization with dialectic features rather than being a static state. Comparative analyses on conflict structures and different clothing patterns symbolizing the ideologies of the Ruling (支配) and the Opposition (對抗) were conducted. Investigating dresses as representations of ideologies is to reconsider the notion of dichotomous confrontation between the conservatives (守舊派) and the progressives (開化派) and a recognition of Koreans' passively accepting modernity during the Japanese occupation. This may also have contributed to enlightening Koreans about modernization. Here are the results. First, the theoretical review found that ideologies were represented by not only symbols of discourse, but also dresses, and that dresses embodied both physical and conceptual systems presenting differences between ideologies and their natures, Second, during the late 19th century Korea, conflict between conservatives' Hanbok (韓服) and progressives' Western suits (洋服) was found. Moderate progressives showed their identity by "Colored Clothing" (深色衣), and radical progressives by black suits with short hair (黑衣斷髮) or by western suits (洋服). The ultimate goal of both parties was a "Modern Nation". With these efforts, pale jade green coats and traditional hats symbolizing the nobleman class was eliminated within 30 years from 1880 to 1910, and then simple robes and short hair emerged. However, the powerful Japanese army had taken over the hegemony of East Asia, and Korea was sharply divided into modernization and pro-Japanese camps. Third, during the time of Japanese colonial rule, the dress codes having set by the modernization policies during the time of enlightenment were abandoned and colonial uniforms for the colonial system was meticulously introduced. During this period, Western or Japanese-style uniforms were the symbol of the ruling ideology. In the mean time, Hanbok, particularly "White Clothing (白衣)", emerged as a representation of the opposition ideology. However, due to Japan's coercive power and strong zeal for "Great orient (大東亞)", white clothing remained as a mere symbol. Meanwhile, Reformists (實力養成論者) movement toward improving quality of life followed a similar path of the Japanese policies and was eventually incorporated into the ruling ideology. Fourth, dresses as representations of ruling ideologies were enforced by organizational powers, such as organizations and laws, and binding policies, and changes in such dresses were more significant when the ruling ideologies were stronger. Clothing of the opposition ideology was expressed as an aggregation of public consciousness. During the period, the subjects of ruling ideology and the objects who were granted modernization benefits were different although their drives for colored clothing with short hair (色衣斷髮) for modernization were similar.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.79-112
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• 2010

The Beijing Convention of 2010 taken together effectively establishes a new broader and stronger civil aviation security framework. This adoption would significantly advance cooperation in prevent of the full range of unlawful acting relation to civil aviation and the prosecution and punishment of offenders. First, the Beijing Convention of 2010 will require parties to criminalize a number of new and emerging threats to the safety of civil aviation, including using aircraft as a weapon and organizing, directing and financing acts of terrorism. These new treaties reflect the international community's shared effort to prevent acts of terrorism against civil aviation and to prosecute and punish those who would commit them. Second, this convention will also require States to criminalize the transport of biological, chemical, nuclear weapons and related material. These provisions reflect the nexus between non-proliferation and terrorism and ensure that the international community will act to combat both. Third, this Convention shall not apply to aircraft used in military, customs or police services. As a substitute, International Humanitarian Law will be applied in a case. Moreover, the National Jurisdiction and the application of the law will be extended farther. The treaty promotes cooperation between States while emphasizing the human rights and fair treatment of terrorist suspects.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.428-446
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• 2004

This paper is to analyze citizens' consciousness on urban changes during the 1900s in the sectors of economy, politics and socio-culture of large cities in Korea, especially comparing them in Seoul, Daejeon, Daegu, and Kywangju. The items of questionnaire are drawn from theories on each sector of new urbanization of large city in Western countries, that is, that of post-Fordism, of urban governance, of post-modernism, and of sustainable city. Some major findings of this questionnaire analysis are as follows. First, on the change of large cities in general, citizens think that the sectors of spatial structure, and of socio-culture of the cities were changed more than those of urban economy and of urban politics. Secondly, in the sector of urban economy, citizens recognize that the obstructing factors of development, that is, the lack of regional capital and the absence of head-quarter of large firms, which seems to be resulted from uneven regional development in the previous periods were much more serious than others, while acknowledging the importance of high-tech industry. Thirdly, in the sector of urban politics, citizens think that the centralized structure of politics and of political parties was still problematic, while acknowledging the importance of entrepreneur mind of urban governor. Finally, in the sector of urban socio-culture, citizens emphasize the development of telecommunication, the popularization of private automobile and the increasing use of credit card, as three major factors which have exercised major impacts on the development of urban socio-culture.

• THE INTERNATIONAL COMMERCE & LAW REVIEW
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• v.36
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• pp.87-109
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• 2007

This Comment explores the ICSID case of CMS Gas Transmission Company v. Argentine Republic, awarded on May 12, 2005. The Part II of this Comment first describes the relevant facts of the case including the some background for readers' understanding and the Part III summaries the claimant's requests and the decisions rendered by the Arbitral Tribunal in the Award. At Part IV, the Comment addresses the issue of determinating laws applicable to the merits of dispute in case that the parties of the case have not chosen a governing law, and at Part V, takes a close look into three main issues of (i) the indirect expropriation of the investment, (ii) the breach of fair and equitable treatment and (iii) the protections under umbrella clauses. In this CMS case, we see first that while the Tribunal affirmed that any indirect expropriation can occur from incidental interference depriving the foreign investor of the use or reasonable-to-be-expected economic benefit even if not necessarily to the obvious benefit of the host State, the Tribunal denied the occurrence of indirect expropriation in this case by holding that the Government of Argentina has not breached the standard of protection laid down in the Treaty. Secondly, however, regarding the issue of fair and equitable treatment, we see that the Tribunal, finding Argentina's breach of obligations, affirmed that the foreign investor can expect the host State to act in a consistent manner, free from ambiguity and totally transparently in its relations with the foreign investor, which can give the foreign investor certain degree of foreseeability. Thirdly and finally, we see that, on base of the effect of the umbrella clause, the Tribunal recognized the obligation of the host State undertaken not to freeze the tariff regime or subject it to price controls and not to alter the basic rules governing contracts between the foreign investor and the host State without the first's written consent. However, the protection under the umbrella clause is available only when there is a specific breach of rights and obligations under BIT or a violation of contract rights protected under BIT.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.189-200
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• 2011

Social media environment has had a significant effect on 'power shift' over the world. Such change was due to the choice of smart people. Accordingly, the Smart Citizens Party PR strategies of $S^6M^2AR^3T^4$ should be formulated in accordance with times. Now, politicians or parties can gain a Specific, Simplicity, Sharing and Strong Synergy effect through Social Network Service (SNS). In addition, in order to embody Mighty, Measurable, and Achievable policies, policy-makers should formulate policies based on a Realistic basis, which can gain people's Reliability in every field Relevant to people's way of a happy life by giving them Time of equal opportunity and making them share the same vision and Target with Target segmentation for all sorts of people, Together. In this sense, twelve kinds of alternative words in The Smart Citizens Party PH strategies are suggested. The study suggests desirable direction of development and alternatives in regard to the trends of The Smart Citizens Party PR strategies. Alternatives that are given in this research paper will receive the people's choice because they are a dynamic force to execute 'mighty and powerful Korea'.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Railway
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.151-162
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• 2013

This paper presents a comparison of Korean and Manchurian railway system during the Japanese colonial era of Korea. While both railways share the common characteristics of an imperial railway, they revealed several differences. Firstly, the Manchurian railway was likely a private company, although it was operated half privately and half by the government. The Manchurian railway operated like the East Indian Company in India during the English colonial era. On the other hand, the Korean railway was fully operated by the government at a ministry level. While the Korean railway solely concentrated on the railway, the Manchurian railway was involved in regional development and the coal-mining industry as well. Secondly, in contrast to the Korean railway, the Manchurian railway was more lucrative, and was relatively more predominant regarding carriage of freights. Thirdly, railway officers in Korea were elected government bureaucrats, while Manchurian railway officers came from diverse political parties and social strata. After the annexation by the Kwantung Army, the Manchurian railway was mainly influenced by the military. The common characteristic here was that both railways were utilized for military purposes as imperial railways. In partilcular, the Manchurian railway executed military orders directly. Hereafter, through a comparative study between the Japanese and Taiwanese railways, a clear and accurate understanding of the characteristics of the Korean railway during the Japanese era will be revealed.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.1-24
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• 2012

This comparative study attempts to explore in what politico-social context 'Education Welfare Invest Priority Zone Plan' has been developed and to find politico-social implications of Korean EWIPZP through critically comparing the cases of UK and France. Korean financial crisis brought up the importance of 'Education Welfare' turning into a concrete system, 'EWIPZP' in 2003. This educational welfare policy has expanded since 2005 up to now by the changed name of 'Education Welfare Priority Plan' in 2008, that is structurally different from the original framework which was to support schools in educationally disadvantaged areas. Even the cases of EAZ in UK and ZEP in France started by progressive political parties and established on the ground of 'equity' philosophy, turned into the excellence-based equality policy confronting with the harsh condition of neo-liberalistic global economy under the conservative regime. So does Korea under the critics against this tendency. Comparing Korean case with the cases in UK and France, the current Education Welfare Priority Policy in Korea should be back to the original principle of educational equity and transform into the bottom-up bilateral cooperation model from the top-down model by the authorized party itself in order not to be manipulated politically.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• v.26 no.5
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• pp.56-75
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• 2022

Purpose - This study examines the influencing factors of China's cross-border e-commerce exports in the context of the current situation and trends of China's cross-border e-commerce development. Through an improved trade gravity model, it provides more in-depth research and constructive opinions on the development of cross-border e-commerce in China. In this paper, factors such as consumption gap, volume of trade frictions, number of tourists, Internet usage and trade openness are added to the formula of the traditional trade gravity model in the improved trade gravity model to examine the influencing factors on China's cross-border e-commerce exports. Design/methodology - According to the empirical analysis, China's cross-border e-commerce exports to ten countries are used as dependent variables, and consumption gap, trade friction volume, trade distance, trade openness and number of Internet users are taken as independent variables. Regression analysis is conducted through a modified gravity model to test whether the hypotheses hold. Findings - The analysis shows that the hypothesis that China's cross-border e-commerce exports are influenced by trade openness, trade distance, consumption gap between trade parties, and the number of Internet users in the importing country is supported by these four hypotheses, but not all independent variables have an impact on them. Specifically, the number of travelers, trade frictions do not have an impact on China's cross-border e-commerce. That is to say, trade friction between China and the United States and political issues such as China-India and China-Japan territorial disputes that emerged before do not affect the development of cross-border e-commerce in China. Originality/value - The analysis shows that the factors influencing China's cross-border e-commerce exports are the trade openness of the importing country, the trade distance, the number of Internet users in the importing country, and the consumption gap between the two sides of the trade. The trade openness and the number of Internet users positively contribute to China's cross-border e-commerce, while the consumption gap and trade distance are negatively related to them. And the analysis found that the Sino-US trade war and the Sino-Indian territorial disputes and other trade frictions to China's cross-border e-commerce exports did not have a substantial impact.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.137-167
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• 2024

This study sought to explain the reasons why the civic education bill failed to be enacted as many as 13 times. What we discovered as a result of our research is, first, the absence of a legislative strategy by the minority member of the national assembly on this bills. The Citizenship Education Bill was a controversial bill with great potential for ideological conflict, and after the 19th National Assembly, this bill was promoted by a minority of a specific political party. The Democratic Party's sponsoring lawmakers did not use active legislative strategies, such as exerting influence within the party to have these bills adopted as the party's platform, or developing them into major pledges for the general and presidential elections. Second, there is a consistent passive response from civic groups as well as lawmakers who signed the bill in an unfavorable public opinion environment. During the legislative process, opposing opinions were overwhelming, including concerns about the spread of leftist ideology, waste of budget and organization, and violation of neutrality and fairness in education. In addition, the passive attitude of field teachers and civic groups, who should be in charge of civic education, also served as a background for the legislative failure. Third, due to a lack of sharing of reliable information on recent theoretical research and global policy trends among stakeholders, legislation through an agreement between the ruling and opposition parties failed.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.5
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• pp.307-314
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• 2024

For us, as 2023 marked the 70th anniversary of the signing of the Armistice Agreement, it provided an opportunity to reflect once again on the potential for transitioning the armistice into a peace treaty, officially ending the Korean War, and establishing a peace regime that could promote peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. Since the Geneva Conference of 1954, North Korea has made various statements regarding a peace treaty. It can be seen that North Korea aimed to strengthen its own power and achieve a balance of power by entering into a peace treaty with South Korea or the U.S. This paper aims to examine the reasons why North Korea, a signatory of the Armistice Agreement of 1953, became interested in forging a peace treaty and to establish the foundation of how North Korea's discourse on a peace treaty has changed over time. By examining cases of North Korea's proposals for an inter-Korean or a North Korea-U.S. peace treaty since the 1954 Political Conference to the period from the 1950s to the 1990s, this paper seeks to explain the background behind North Korea's peace treaty discourse and to consider the implications of these changes for South Korea and the U.S., which would be parties to such a peace treaty. Additionally, the paper aims to explore the implications for South Korea and the United States, not only in relation to North Korea but also considering the United Nations Command and the ROK-U.S. Mutual Defense Treaty, when entering into a peace treaty with North Korea.