• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.143-146
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• 2021

Korean police have been established as a national police system since the liberation of Korea and have been operated as a centralized police system for a long time, and a police committee was established under the enactment of the Police Act in 1991. However, the National Police Commission has a problem that it cannot perform the functions of the original National Police Commission because it is only a simple advisory body, not an institution that reviews and decides major policies related to police administration. As a result, despite the passage of a full amendment to the Police Act in 2020 and the revision of the Act to the Organization and Operation of the National Police and Local Police, operational and compositional problems still exist. Therefore, this study intends to propose the current state of operation and problems of the police committee system and measures for improvement.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information and Communication Engineering
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• v.24 no.8
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• pp.999-1005
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• 2020

While search portals' 'Portal News' account for the largest portion of aggregated news outlet, its neutrality as an outlet is questionable. This is because news aggregation may lead to prejudiced information consumption by recommending biased news articles. In this paper we introduce a new method of measuring political bias of news articles by using deep learning. It can provide its readers with insights on critical thinking. For this method, we build the dataset for deep learning by analyzing articles' bias from keywords, sourced from the National Assembly proceedings, and assigning bias to said keywords. Based on these data, news article bias is calculated by applying deep learning with a combination of Convolution Neural Network and Recurrent Neural Network. Using this method, 95.6% of sentences are correctly distinguished as either conservative or progressive-biased; on the entire article, the accuracy is 46.0%. This enables analyzing any articles' bias between conservative and progressive unlike previous methods that were limited on article subjects.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.9
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• pp.29-45
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• 2022

This study aims to analyze how the public perceive the climate change in South Korea. The climate change has been highlighted due to its social and environmental impact on future society during decades. In recent, the outbreak of COVID-19 alerted the causal relationship between diseases and the climate change and forced decision-makers to cope with possible future epidemics. Along with the social and political importance of the climate change, the perception and actions of the public also become significant. Thus, this study analyzes the trends in the public perception of climate change before and after the COVID-19, using social media big data from March 1, 2019 through February 28, 2022. The results show that the negative perception dominated the public's perception, but a little positive perception implies that numerous policies on the climate change may help the public convert their negative perception to the positive. This study may help the decision-makers develop future policies and strategies on the climate change and carbon neutrality by considering the demand-side perception, such as South Korean perception.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.107-144
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• 2012

Recently concerns on the energy future are rising in Korea after nuclear disaster of Fukushima in Japan last year. However, even after Fukushima disaster Korean government keeps on insisting nuclear oriented energy policy. Contrary to it, some of civil society's organizations(CSOs) including environment groups and progressive political parties are making strong voices for phase-out nuclear. As a way of phase-out nuclear activity researcher groups based on CSOs have presented several alternative energy scenarios against the official government scenario so that contest between the two senarios seems not to be avoided. This article aims to analyse the politics of expertise around energy scenarios in Korea by highlighting differences between two scenarios of government and CSOs in terms of epistemological and methodological base, value orientation, institutional foundation, and the socio-political contexts of scenarios. Our research shows that government's energy scenario is based on scientific-positivist epistemology, firm belief in value neutrality and forecasting method, and is built by neo-classical economists at government-sponsored research institutes in accordance with the 'Business As Usual' approach. In contrast, alternative scenarios of CSOs can be said to be based on epistemological constructivism, value oriented attitudes and backcasting method, and be built by collaboration of researchers and activists with different academic and social backgrounds after Fukushima nuclear disaster.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.144
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• pp.83-111
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• 2017

The purport of this essay is to examine the possible compatibility of liberalism and perfectionism. Liberalism is typically considered as anti-perfectionism. So communitarian critique of liberalism focused on the effects of its anti-perfectionism. But liberalism could be interpreted as compatible with perfectionism. Joseph Raz attempts to develop and defend "perfectionist" liberalism. He rejects anti-perfectionist "neutrality" and claims that the goal of political action is to encourage pursuit of what is truly good and discourage pursuit of what is morally unworthy. Despite this strong perfectionist claim, Raz's political philosophy gives pride of place to individual liberty, or autonomy, which he considers to be intrinsically valuable. One exercises autonomy in choosing among a plurality of human goods. Nonetheless, Raz forthrightly denies the value of autonomy used to choose what is morally bad and says that society has no reason to protect worthless, much less morally evil, options. Raz is more conventionally liberal, however, in espousing a version of J. S. Mill's "harm principle", arguing that a due regard for autonomy rules out government use of coercive means to discourage "victimless" immoralities. However, there are some serious questions about whether Raz's strong perfectionism can support his principled rejection of "morals legislation". I think that if his strong perfectionism could be a little "weakened" and his autonomy could be interpreted as having only formal value rather than having intrinsic value, then his perfectionism could be compatible with liberalism.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.167-177
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• 2018

Major countries, such as the U.S., UK and Germany have reformed their national intelligence systems in the face of transnational, asymmetric and comprehensive threats since September 11, 2001 and have strengthened the intelligence capacity involved in countering terrorism and WMD proliferation, right/left extremism threats. The Korean Moon Jae-in government is preparing a reform plan to eliminate illegal political intervention and abuse of power by the National Intelligence Service(NIS) and to rebuild it as an efficient national intelligence agency for national security. In discussing the reform direction of the NIS, it is necessary to discuss in detail whether adopting a separate model of intelligence agencies to restrict domestic intelligence activities of the NIS and concentrate on foreign intelligence activities or establish new domestic intelligence agencies. Second, as for the issue of transferring anti-Communism investigation authority of the NIS to the police, it needs to be carefully considered in terms of balancing the efficiency and professionalism of intelligence agency activity in the context of North Korea's continuous military provocation, covert operations and cyber threats. Third, it should strive to strengthen the control and supervision functions of the administration and the National Assembly to ensure the political neutrality of the NIS in accordance with the democratization era, to guarantee citizens' basic rights and to improve the transparency of budget execution.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.59-69
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• 2021

The Moon Jae-in administration insisted on reforming the prosecution for the reform of power institutions, and also tried to control the power of the prosecution through the establishment of a high-ranking public officials criminal investigation office. Then, what is the direction of the legal prosecution reform? Above all, it is a logic to drastically reduce the power of the prosecution. How to shrink it? First, it is necessary to control or check the power of prosecution and investigation that the prosecution has. Second, the key to the reform of the prosecution is perhaps to separate personnel rights from power. In order to exclude external pressure from the prosecution's personnel rights, there must be no instruction or intervention from the attorney general. To do this, the prosecutor general must go through various personnel evaluations, such as multi-faceted evaluation. Third, the essence of the High-ranking Officials Criminal Investigations Act is to deal with crimes of prosecutors, judges, police, and members of the National Assembly. It is also the core of the institutional mechanism to cover the corruption of one's family members while holding all the right to investigate, prosecution, and warrant claims, and to check the omnipresent prosecutors who have abused their right to investigate for political purposes. Then, what is necessary for the success of the high-ranking officials criminal investigation office? Above all, We think political neutrality is very necessary. The Ministry of Airborne has a very high authority of the Director. This paper intends to examine the functions and roles of the prosecution and high-ranking officials criminal investigation offices to prevent corruption. We analyzed the contents of the prosecution and the public officials criminal investigation office, and examined the limitations and problems, and the measures to control corruption in public offices.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.229-258
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• 2023

For the main countries of the Asia-Pacific region, the United States, China and Russia, a situation of "new normality" is emerging. Moreover, for each of the countries, this "new normality" has its own meaning. For the United States, this is an aggravation of the military confrontation with China in the Taiwan Strait. For China, this is an increase in the degree of rivalry with the United States and a slowdown in the pace of economic development with a very high probability of their decline in the future. For Russia, this is an almost complete curtailment of relations with the United States against the background of a special military operation and imposed sanctions. These nuances, in addition to the results of the 20th CPC Congress, will determine the main trends in Sino-American and Sino-Russian relations. It seems that China's attitude towards Russia will not change against the background of the Ukrainian crisis. Beijing will maintain a position of "benevolent neutrality" towards Moscow. At the same time, the balance between "goodwill" and "neutrality" may vary depending on the scope of Sino-Russian cooperation. For example, in the economic sphere, Chinese companies will be afraid to cooperate with Russian partners for fear of secondary sanctions. However, in general, Russia will retain its importance for China as the strongest anti-American pole. In relations with the United States, China will continue to firmly defend its interests, while at the same time not excluding the normalization of relations with Washington in certain areas of cooperation: strategic stability, non-traditional threats, ecology, etc. In general, the decisions of the 20th CPC Congress do not allow us to say either in favor or against the idea of China's readiness to resume dialogue with the United States in the post-congress period. Sino-American relations, as noted above, have their own logic and will probably continue to develop within its framework. However, so are Sino-Russian relations. Within the framework of these logics, Beijing seems to continue to balance between the two vectors of its foreign policy. On the one hand, this is the development of bilateral cooperation with Russia in order to strengthen its own negotiating positions in the confrontation with the United States: military cooperation with an emphasis on joint exercises, political cooperation based on anti-Americanism, economic cooperation with an eye to the risks of secondary sanctions. On the other hand, it is unacceptable for China to recognize the collapse of Ukraine, the inadmissibility of a direct military clash with the United States and the extreme undesirability of further aggravation of relations with the United States on the factor of Chinese friendship with Russia.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.31-55
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• 2001

I examined the U.S. presidential library system and suggested some directions of establishment and management presidential library in Korea. To promote the preservation and use of presidential records, it is very important to establish an workable presidential archives system in Korea. Following is my observations and lessons from the study of U.S. presidential library system It is legitimate and reasonable to establish a presidential archives system in Korea under the authority of GARS for professional and neutral management. The presidential archives should be managed professionally and neutrally, free of political interventions and parti san considerations. For accountability and transparency of the government, the neutrality of the presidential archives is a must. The presidential records should be protected for a certain period to encourage their production and preservation. A legal apparatus to protect them is necessary. Archivists should make a comprehensive catalog of the presidential archives available to public, especially provide an online search system. Online catalog system of Ford and Carter Presidential Libraries are examined to help understanding of the issue. Finally, GARS should proceed to make a workable laws and regulations Lo provide the legal foundations for the establishment of the presidential archives. Public awareness and supports will only malle it possible. In sum, the presidential archives should be established as an attached archives of the GARS to guarantee a professional and neutral management.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.47
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• pp.295-333
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• 2017

This study is a basic study to prepare policies related to selecting media to be included in textbooks. Researchers looked at previous studies focusing on how media affect children's and adolescent's emotions according to their developmental stages. Researchers also wanted to identify how the media is related to student emotions, health, and educational effectiveness. The researchers then examined a wide range of domestic media review and rating criteria, and argued that it is necessary to institutionalize the rating system of media at national level policy level. Based on the previous discussion, the researchers made seven suggestions. First, it is necessary to specify media selection criteria in the guidelines for issuing textbooks at the national level. Second, guidelines are needed to help review the political neutrality and human rights aspects of the media for inclusion in textbooks. Third, media selection guidelines in textbooks should be detailed with reference to categories and age based criteria of domestic and foreign media rating system. Fourth, the media rating system should be applied flexibly if there is a clear educational purpose. Fifth, institutional support is needed for setting guidelines for media collection of textbooks. Sixth, media experts should participate in the whole process of textbook development. Seventh, educational programs should be implemented to support teachers to use self directed learning by using educational media in classroom instruction.