• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.199-204
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• 2019

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.52
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• pp.135-153
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• 2010

Dong-a Ilbo tried to assume leadership of opinion in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. Dong-a Ilbo was to try to promote the atmosphere of anti-trusteeship=anti-communism=anti-Soviet Union, distorting the decision of a conference of three foreign affairs ministers in Moscow. It was not an incorrect report, but the false report. As a result, the formula of an anti-trusteeship=anti-Soviet Union=anti-communism=patriotism, and a pro-trusteeship=pro-Soviet Union=pro-Communism=traitor was formed. And the important problems of land reform and pro-Japanese‘ clearance were missing. Historically, political newspapers had appeared in the periods of very important political change. Political newspapers played a role as mouthpiece for political party or group. Dong-a Ilbo was such a political newspaper. It was that Dong-a Ilbo tried to change the social atmosphere in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. And history was distorted.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.52
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• pp.5-26
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• 2010

This study explores how major Korean television evening news report, interpret and evaluate the Korean Grand Canal Project(KGCP). For this research, 488 news clips regarding the KGCP are selected among the MBC, KBS and SBS daily evening news. As a result, the findings are as follows: First, the ratios of analyzing reports for MBC, brief reports for KBS, and straight news for SBS are outstanding. At the same time, the three news companies show that they are against the KGCP through the reporting attitudes. However, the most frequently broadcasted news frames is the authoritative political execution for both MBC and KBS, and the political agenda for SBS news respectively. In terms of the most frequently interviewed group for all three news is the government and ruling Grand National Party; they are the most favor of the authoritative political executions and the political agenda news frames. However, the NGO groups and the opposition parties which are against the KGCP support "Process" in terms of the frames activity. Finally, MBC speaks out the frame activity of "Process", supporting the political opposition parties and NGO groups. On the country, both KBS and SBS speak up the government and ruling party, supporting the KGCP, stressing frame activity of "Aspiration". This it concludes that both KBS and SBS are short of the social responsibilities as a social media mediator for the social disputes between the government and the NGO groups, including opposition parties.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.58
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• pp.106-129
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• 2012

Social Network Service(SNS), which are an emerging form of political architecture, have been a political means to promote civic engagement and shape pubic opinions on social issues. Along with the influence of SNSs, the governmental control on the dissemination of information over SNSs has increased more and more. It would be ideal if the autonomous governance regulates SNSs which facilitate the networks of the dispersed people. It is the fact, though, that compulsory regulations under which the government controls impose policy and legal restrictions on political expressions. The current study addresses expressive and participatory nature embedded in technological characteristics of SNSs and discusses the problems of content regulations of political expression over SNSs. First of all, it is analyzed that light touch regulation or light touch monitoring should be applied to regulating content on SNSs, particularly political expressions. Constitutional Court proclaimed that legal restrictions on the Internet could infringe basic rights of the people and thus under unambiguous standards, the Doctrine of Clear and Present Danger should be applied to its content. Second, it is found that clarifying the definition of illegality in the application of legal restrictions is necessary to minimize the excessive misleading. Third, it is required that Korea Communications Standards Commission under the government control needs to change in determining the scope of illegal information. In a domestic level, there needs to be safeguards for the protection of the self-regulatory organization such as KISO to guarantee voluntary and autonomous regulatory practices.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.46
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• pp.590-626
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• 2009

The limitation and scarcity of broadcasting waves provide important rationale behind the idea of public ownership of broadcasting waves which can facilitate communications among people with diverse backgrounds and values in the society. Independence of broadcasting industry from the regulatory organization is imperative for the broadcasting industry to serve the public interest that has been historically defined by each county. For the Korean broadcasting industry, history of modern Korea taught us that the broadcasting regulatory organizations such as Korea Communications Commission(KCC) should be kept from any political influence for the industry to best serve the public. Recent controversies on the role of the CEO of KBS and the appointment of the CEO of YTN by the president of the country provide evidence that the independence of broadcasting in Korean society is a critical topic. This study examined the corporate structures of broadcasting industry and the political independence of the industry in relation to the changes in the concept of public interest and the role of broadcasting. It is critically important to investigate the political independence of broadcasting in Korea because the core argument of independence of broadcasting which is about the freedom of expression protected by the constitution is still contested in the country. For the purpose of collecting diverse perspectives on broadcasting, survey method was adopted in this study. Three groups Abstracts 697 of participants were recruited: reporters, experts in the field, and regular citizens. The result indicated that the independence of broadcasting was in the process of deterioration. Also, the participants of the study understood that it was impossible for the broadcasting to serve the public interest when the broadcasting was not free from the influence of regulatory institutions such as KCC.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.50
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• pp.5-28
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• 2010

The theoretical scope of the public sphere has been dramatically expanded as a result of new academic inquiries into the nature of the political and the public in contemporary societies. While appreciating the value of the concept of the public sphere for understanding democratic roles of the media, scholars began to raise questions on Habermasians' exclusive focus on news and public affairs programs, arguing that various entertainment programs also can invoke political deliberation. Terms like affective public sphere, emotional public sphere, aesthetic public sphere, expressive public sphere were used to capture this new conception. To comprehend the theoretical and practical implications of the conceptual expansion of the public sphere for media studies, this study attempted to provide a typology of media-public sphere relationships. By using public-private and rational-emotional axes as two criteria for classification, we created four prototypes of the public sphere (i.e., political public sphere, populism, difference pluralism, and intimacy/privacy) and discussed the characteristics of each type. After setting out media communication as a form of meta-public sphere that mediates and coordinates the four different types of the public sphere, we presented public service broadcasting as an exemplar meta-public sphere in the contemporary society of multiple social antagonisms and differences.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.153-164
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• 2011

The social computing which is growing rapidly, has been scaling up the influencing power in every area and extending its activities into the political area. On the other hand, political participation trend of citizens gave rise to an innovative idea, so called 'Smart Citizens Party'. This requires the receptiveness and the openness of the party. So smart citizens party needs the smooth communication structure based on social computing as well as ICT(Information Communication Technology). That is, to embody the Smart Citizens Party, social computing framework for its is required. The purpose of this study is to suggest the social computing framework as the technical base of smart citizens party. To achieve this purpose, this paper will analyze the rise of the social web and ICT & innovation of public(and political) sector, study the concept and impacts of social computing and the concept and characteristics of Smart Citizens Party, and describe the framework, its elements and its service functions of social computing.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.7 no.10
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• pp.315-322
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• 2020

This study investigates the application of management information systems to the quality of local government financial reports, especially the principle of transparency and the law of accountability, which have been measures of financial statement performance evaluation. The study was conducted in Enrekang Regency, Indonesia, which, based on the results of the examination, the Supreme Audit Board reported the status of Disclaimer, Fair with Exceptions, and Fair without Exceptions for three years each. This study used a sample of 35 respondents, finance department employees who worked on local government financial reports. Descriptive quantitative data were collected using a questionnaire instrument, then with the assistance of the Program Solution and Product Statistics (SPSS) Program, data were processed to test hypotheses. The results showed that the use of management information systems based on information and communication technology (ICT) had a significant influence on the quality of local government financial reports. The findings of this study indicate that the application of ICT-based management information systems affects the accountability and transparency of local government financial reports. This finding is reinforced by the use of the principles of government agility in the form of government apparatuses that apply responsive dexterity, flexibility agility, and competency agility.

• Journal of Korea Multimedia Society
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.301-316
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• 2020

Algorithm journalism refers to the practices of automated news generation using algorithms that generate human sounding narratives. Algorithm journalism is known to have strengths in automating repetitive tasks through rapid and accurate analysis of data, and has been actively used in news domains such as sports and finance. In this paper, we propose an interactive card news system that generates personalized local election articles in 2018. The system consists of modules that collects and analyzes election data, generates texts and images, and allows users to specify their interests in the local elections. When a user selects interested regions, election types, candidate names, and political parties, the system generates card news according to their interest. In the study, we examined how personalized card news are evaluated in comparison with text and card news articles by human journalists, and derived implications on the potential use of algorithm in reporting political events.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.80
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• pp.7-39
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• 2016

This essay deals with the bulk of problems of media raised by social inequality. I attempted to examine the relationship between inequality and media/information. In adopting the method of political economy based on dialectical viewpoint, I argue that collaboration among Chaebol, media, power result in the media capitalism. This mode of production has brought about the decline of public service and democracy. It led the Korean industrial capitalism to media capitalism. This mechanism is a dominant but unfair system with grasping of wealth, power, information. The media capitalism, based on profit, privatizations, power monopoly, remains democracy and public service in retreat. Chaebol-media-power complex plays an important role in cementing the establishment. We are reminded how much the dominant system has deteriorated the public interests of the media market and information.