• 한국수학교육학회지시리즈A:수학교육
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.48-73
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• 1986

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only 'true letters' (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that, if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the 'Enlightenment Period' changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as 'Sanhak-Kyemong', 'Yanghwi-Sanpup' and 'Sangmyung-Sanpup'. King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of king who took anyone with the mathematic talent into government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics perse and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the king. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China or Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In 'Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period' which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of Kings Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for. the rapid increase of he number of such technocrats as mathematics, astronomy and medicine. Amid these social changes, the Jung-in mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics perse beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditional Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was hanged into the Western style and the Western mathematics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the Schools of various levels. Thus the 'Enlightenment Period' is the period in which Korean mathematics shifted from Chinese into European.

• 한국조경학회지
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• 제48권2호
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• pp.20-33
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• 2020

본 연구는 국제적으로 도시공원의 유산 가치를 인정하고 보존하려는 움직임에 주목하여 국제사회에서 논의되고 있는 도시공원의 보존 동향을 살펴보고자 했다. 국제적으로 '역사적 도시공원' 개념이 등장하게 된 배경과 추진상황을 확인하고, 도시공원의 보존과 관리를 이미 수행하는 영국, 미국, 일본의 사례를 분석하였다. 문화유산의 보전·관리를 중시하는 국제 전문가집단인 ICOMOS에서는 최근 ICOMOS-IFLA 문서를 통해, 역사적 도시공원의 사회적·무형적 가치, 심미적 가치, 생태적 가치, 시민 사회적 가치를 지속하고, 공간 구성, 지형, 빛, 환경과 같은 공원 요소를 보존해야 한다고 하였다. 영국과 미국, 일본은 역사적 도시공원 보존 동향이 나타나게 된 배경, 실제 보존 체계, 보존 대상으로 고려하는 도시공원, 공원 내 보존 요소에 저마다의 특성이 있다. 영국은 시기별로 나타나는 공원의 디자인을 존중하고, 각 시기를 대표하는 공원의 형태 요소를 보존하고자 한다. 미국은 공원의 의미를 물리적 형태뿐 아니라, 문화, 기념성, 사회적 가치 등 다양한 각도에서 파악하여 보존할 공원을 선정하고 관리한다. 일본은 보존 가치가 있는 근대공원을 조사해 선별하고, 공원의 보존 관리를 정책적으로 시행하기 시작했다. 전문가들은 역사적 도시공원의 보존은 기존 정원이나 공원과는 다른 방향으로 이루어져야 한다고 주장한다. 그럼에도 각국 사례를 보면 아직은 문화유산과 도시공원을 다루는 행정과 법제에 따라 물리적 요소를 보존하는데 다소 한정되어 있었다. 변화하는 유산의 개념과 정의의 맥락에서 도시공원의 보존 기준과 방법 또한 발전하고 정교해질 것이다. 도시공원은 역사적으로 여러 가치가 축적된 공간이며, 공원과 도시민의 기억에 많은 역사적 의미를 내재하고 있다. 국제적으로는 이러한 공원의 역사적 가치를 존중하고 보존하는 방향으로 관리가 진행되고 있음을 확인하였다. 도시공원의 가치를 보존하고자 하는 국제 동향은 운영과 관리 문제에 직면한 우리의 도시공원에 시사하는 바가 크다.

• 한국항공운항학회지
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.38-53
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• 2007

In a seminal judgment of November 2002 (Case C-476/98) relating to the compatibility with Community laws of the 'nationality clause' in the 1996 amending protocol to the 1955 U.S.-German Air Services Agreement, the European Court of Justice(ECJ) decided that the provision constituted a measure of an intrinsically discriminatory nature and was thus contrary to the principle of national treatment established under Art. 52 of the EC Treaty. The Court, rejecting bluntly the German government' submissions relying on public policy grounds(Art. 56, EC Treaty), seemed content to declare and rule that the protocol provision requiring a contracting state party to ensure substantial ownership and effective control by its nationals of its designated airlines had violated the requirement of national treatment reserved for other Community Members under the salient Treaty provision. The German counterclaims against the Commission, although tantalizing not only from the perusal of the judgment but from the perspective of international air law, were nonetheless invariably correct and to the point. For such a clause has been justified to defend the 'fundamental interests of society from a serious threat' that may result from granting operating licenses or necessary technical authorizations to an airline company of a third country. Indeed, the nationality clause has been inserted in most of the liberal bilaterals to allow the parties to enforce their own national laws and regulations governing aviation safety and security. Such a clause is not targeted as a device for discriminating against the nationals of any third State. It simply acts as the minimum legal safeguards against aviation risk empowering a party to take legal control of the designated airlines. Unfortunately, the German call for the review of such a foremost objective and rationale underlying the nationality clause landed on the deaf ears of the Court which appeared quite happy not to take stock of the potential implications and consequences in its absence and of the legality under international law of the 'national treatment' requirement of Community laws. Again, while US law limits foreign shareholders to 24.9% of its airlines, the European Community limits non-EC ownership to 49%, precluding any ownership and effective control by foreign nationals of EC airlines, let alone any foreign takeover and merger. Given this, it appears inconsistent and unreasonable for the EC to demand, $vis-{\grave{a}}-vis$ a non-EC third State, national treatment for all of its Member States. The ECJ's decision was also wrongly premised on the precedence of Community laws over international law, and in particular, international air law. It simply is another form of asserting and enforcing de facto extraterritorial application of Community laws to a non-EC third country. Again, the ruling runs counter to an established rule of international law that a treaty does not, as a matter of principle, create either obligations or rights for a third State. Aside from the legal problems, the 'national treatment' may not be economically justified either, in light of the free-rider problem and resulting externalities or inefficiency. On the strength of international law and economics, therefore, airlines of Community Members other than the designated German and U.S. air carriers are neither eligible for traffic rights, nor entitled to operate between or 'free-ride' on the U.S. and German points. All in all and in all fairness, the European Court's ruling was nothing short of an outright condemnation of established rules and principles of international law and international air law. Nor is the national treatment requirement justified by the economic logic of deregulation or liberalization of aviation markets. Nor has the requirement much to do with fair competition and increased efficiency.

• 한국수학사학회지
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.91-105
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• 1985

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only "true letters" (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that , if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the "Enlightenment Period" changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo is significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as "Sanhak-Kyemong, "Yanghwi - Sanpup" and "Sangmyung-Sanpup." King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of King who took any one with the mathematic talent onto government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics per se and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the King. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China of Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In "Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period" which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of King Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for the rapid increase of the number of such technocrats as mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics per se beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditonal Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was changed into the Western style and the Western matehmatics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the schools of various levels. Thus the "Enlightenment Period" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.od" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.pean.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제1권
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• pp.161-191
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• 1992

The purpose of this study is how have the form and theory of the five element theory in the (黃帝內徑) by the investigation of the course of the course of the five element introduced the ancient oriental medicine from ancient oriental philosophy. The following results were obtained. 1. The five elements in (尙書) meaned the uses of water, fire, earth, wood, metal which were important in living. Because these had very important meaning in ancient political and economic society, emphasized to big law(洪範) 2. The five elements in (左傳) and (國語) mean the five uses too, and there are the phases of "five win metal"(火勝金) and "wather win fire"(水勝火), but these only meaned the physical interrelation. 3. In the five circulating factor theory made by Chu Yen(鄒衍) which have the attribute of the five elements, he more reasonably had argued human affairs like that a dynasty become different in step with the circulating five favors. There is the regular annual policy in the (呂氏春秋) which closely connected nature and human living, and attached the various colors, animals, visceras, flavors, sounds, the sexagenary cycle and so on to the five elements. 4. In the (春秋繁露) writed in fore-period of Han(漢) dynasty, the interactions of the five elements are concretely applicated to policy, Dong Jung Soe(童仲舒) had discrived the interactions of the five elements by Dong Lyu Sang Dong theory(同類相動說) and the misfortune theory(災異說), emphasized the sympathy of nature and human. Thought there is many content which are superstitious and contradictory, I concider which that affcted many effects in the formation of five element theory of oriental medicine. In the (淮南子) the order of matters were explained by the five element theory too, as the interrelations of the five elements were explained by the sexagenary ctcle, I assume that the bud of O-Un theory(五運理論). And there was not founded the fullscale intriduction of the five element theory in the Ma Wang Tye(馬王堆) excavated finds, the Mu Yyi medical writings formed the dynasty(武威漢代醫簡) and the documents about Pyun Jak(偏鵲) and Sun U Ie(淳于意). 5. The application of the five element theory in the (Whang Di Nei Qing) (黃帝內徑) is devided into the attachement to the five elements, the interelations of the five elments, and Un Gi theery(運氣論). In the attachment to the five elemeant theory, it made the attachment of the five viseras of (今文尙書) party a standard and attached the sections of a human body, the whole internal organs of sense, the five colors, the five flavors and the five sounds and so on to the five elements. It put to use by means of the apllivation of the interrelation of the five elements in the transferations of the diseases and the relative severeness of a disease in step with change of time and season. Un Gi theory(運氣論) which synthesized by the attachment to the five elements, the inter-relations of the five elements and the climate which observerd from ancient times systematically argued the effects of weather to human. 6. The application of the five elements theory in (黃帝內徑) have the significant what had get rid of irrational factors like that the emotion and action of human could to influense the weather, what had been formes more rational thingking by the obesrvation of human and nature. It is required more reserches about the possibility of the formation of the doctrinal faction bt the geographical effect of the Yon, Je(燕,薺) region, the application of the five element theory in other ancient medical books and the relationship of the five element theory and Yin Yang(陰陽)

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• 제13권2호
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• pp.69-96
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• 1991

1987년의 민주화조치(民主化措置) 이후 발생한 임금(賃金)의 급격한, 그리고 지속적인 상승은 비용우위(費用優位)의 약화를 야기하였고 이에 더하여 3저기간(低期間)의 무역수지흑자(貿易收支黑子)는 원화(貨)의 절상(切上)을 유발하여 우리 상품(商品)의 수출단가상승(輸出單價上昇)을 증폭시켰다. 새로운 경쟁우위(競爭優位)를 발굴하는 것이 우리 경제(經濟)의 당면과제(當面課題)인바 당분간은 비용우위유지(費用優位維持)가 우리 산업(産業)의 기본경쟁전략(基本競爭戰略)이 되어야 할 것이다. 이때의 비용우위(費用優位)는 기술(技術)의 뒷받침을 통하여 제품단가(製品單價)를 낮추는 것을 의미하며 이는 과거 저임금(低賃金)에 의존하던 비용우위유지(費用優位維持)와는 다른 것이다. 구체적(具體的) 방안(方案)의 하나로 기업간(企業間) 생산분업(生産分業)의 효율적(效率的) 조직화(組織化)를 생각해 볼 수 있다. 본(本) 연구(硏究)의 목적(目的)은 기업간(企業間) 생산분업(生産分業)으로서의 하도급(下都給)이 어떠한 형태(形態)로 운영되고 있는지 그리고 최근의 경제여건변화(經濟與件變化)에 대응하여 어떠한 방향(方向)으로 진전되고 있는지를 파악해 보는 데 있다. 구체적으로 모기업(母企業)과 수급기업간(受給企業間)의 교섭력(交涉力)의 차이, 수급기업(受給企業)의 모기업(母企業)에 대한 기술력(技術力)의 기여(寄與) 정도, 대외경쟁력(對外競爭力)의 약화(弱化)에 대응한 양자간(兩者間)의 협력관계(協力關係) 형성(形成), 새로운 경쟁우위(競爭優位)를 회복하기 위한 인식형성(認識形成)과 구체적 방안(方案)에 대한 견해(見解) 등을 하도급제(下都給制) 생산방식(生産方式)에 참여하고 있는 개별기업(個別企業)들에 대한 설문조사(設問調査)를 통하여 파악해 보고자 하였다. 설문조사(設問調査)의 결과(結果)에 따르면 자동차산업(自動車産業)의 하도급(下都給)이 경쟁력회복(競爭力回復)에 긍정적(肯定的)으로 작용(作用)하고 있는 것으로 나타났다.

• 항공우주정책ㆍ법학회지
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• 제5권
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• pp.53-75
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• 1993

This article is concerned with the comment on "Some New Problems of International Aviation Security-Considerations Forcused on its Legal Aspects". Ever since 1970, in addition to the problem of failure to accept the Tokyo, Hague and Montreal Conventions, there has been also the problem of parties to them, failing to comply with their obligations under the respective treaties, in the form especially of nominal penalties or the lack of any effort to prosecute after blank refusals to extradite. There have also been cases of prolonged detention of aircraft, passengers and hostages. In this regard, all three conventions contain identical clauses which submit disputes between two or more contracting States concerning the interpretation or application of the respective conventions to arbitration or failing agreement on the organization of the arbitration, to the International Court of Justice. To the extent to which contracting States have not contracted out of this undertaking, as I fear they are expressly allowed to do, this promision can be used by contracting States to ensure compliance. But to date, this avenue does not appear to have been used. From this point of view, it may be worth mentioning that there appears to be an alarming trend towards the view that the defeat of terrorism is such an overriding imperative that all means of doing so become, in international law, automatically lawful. In addition, in as far as aviation security is concerned, as in fact it has long been suggested, what is required is the "application of the strictest security measures by all concerned."In this regard, mention should be made of Annex 17 to the Chicago Convention on Security-Safeguarding International Civil Aviation against Acts of Unlawful Intereference. ICAO has, moreover, compiled, for restricted distribution, a Security Manual for Safeguarding Civil Aviation Against Acts of Unlawful Interference, which is highly useful. In this regard, it may well be argued that, unless States members of ICAO notify the ICAO Council of their inability to comply with opecific standards in Annex 17 or any of the related Annexes in accordance with Article 38 of the 1944 Chicago Convention on International Civil Aviation, their failure to do so can involve State responsibility and, if damage were to insure, their liability. The same applies to breaches of any other treaty obligation. I hope to demonstrate that although modes of international violence may change, their underlying characteristics remain broadly similar, necessitating not simply the adoption of an adequate body of domestic legislation, firm in its content and fairly administered, but also an international network of communication, of cooperation and of coordination of policies. Afurther legal instrument is now being developed by the Legal Committee of ICAO with respect to unlawful acts at International airports. These instruments, however, are not very effective, because of the absence of universal acceptance and the deficiency I have already pointed out. Therefore, States, airports and international airlines have to concentrate on prevention. If the development of policies is important at the international level, it is equally important in the domestic setting. For example, the recent experiences of France have prompted many changes in the State's legislation and in its policies towards terrorism, with higher penalties for terrorist offences and incentives which encourage accused terrorists to pass informations to the authorities. And our government has to tighten furthermore security measures. Particularly, in the case an unarmed hijacker who boards having no instrument in his possession with which to promote the hoax, a plaintiff-passenger would be hard-pressed to show that the airline was negligent in screening the hijacker prior to boarding. In light of the airline's duty to exercise a high degree of care to provide for the safety of all the passengers on board, an acquiescence to a hijacker's demands on the part of the air carrier could constitute a breach of duty only when it is clearly shown that the carrier's employees knew or plainly should have known that the hijacker was unarmed. The general opinion is that the legal oystem could be sufficient, provided that the political will is there to use and apply it effectively. All agreed that the main responsibility for security has to be borne by the governments. A state that supports aviation terrorism is responsible for violation of International Aviation Law. Generally speaking, terrorism is a violation of international law. It violates the sovereign rights of states, and the human rights of the individuals. We have to contribute more to the creation of a general consensus amongst all states about the need to combat the threat of aviation terrorism. I think that aviation terrorism as becoming an ever more serious issue, has to be solved by internationally agreed and closely co - ordinated measures.

• 항공우주정책ㆍ법학회지
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• 제4권
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• pp.7-35
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• 1992

The expansion of air transport on a global scale with ever increasing traffic densities has brought about problems that must be solved through new multilateral mechanisms. Looking to the immediate future, air transport will require new forms of international cooperation in technical and economic areas. Air transport by its very nature should have been a counterforce to nationalism. Yet, the regulatory system in civil aviation is still as firmly rooted in the principle of national sovereignty as when it was first proclaimed at t-11e Paris Convention of 1919 and reaffirmed in the Chicago Convention. Sovereignty over the airspace has remained the cornerstone of relations between states in all respects of air transport. The importance of sovereignty over air space embodied in article 1 of the Chicago Conrenton also is responsible for restricting the authority of ICAO as an intergovernmental regulatory agency. The Orgenization, for all its extensive efforts, has only limited authority. ICAO sets standards but cannot enforce them; it devises solutions but cannot impose them. To implement its rules ICAO most rely not so much on legal requirements as on the goodwill of states. It has been forty-eight years since international community set the foundations of the international system in civil aviation action. Profound political, economic and technological changes have taken place in air transport. The Chicago Convention is living proof that staes can work together to make air transport a safe mode of travel. The law governing international civil auiation is principally based on international treaties and on other regulation agreed to by governments, for the most part through the mechanism of ICAO. The role of ICAO international standards and recommended practices and procedures dealing with a broad range of technical matters could hardly be overestimated. The organization's ability to develop these standards and procedures, to adapt them continuously to the rapid sate of change and development of air transport, should be particularly stressed. The role of ICAO in the area of the development of multilateral conventions on international air law has been successful but to a certain degree. From the modest starting-point of the Tokyo Convention, we have seen more adequate international instruments prepared within the scope of ICAO activities, adopted: the Hague Convention of 1970 for the suppression of Unlawful Seizure of Aircraft and the Montreal Convention of 1971 for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Civil Aviation. The work of ICAO in the new domain of international law conventions concerning what has been loosely termed above as the criminal problems connected with international air transport, in particular the problem of armed aggression against aircraft, should be positively appreciated. But ICAO records in the domain of developing a uniform legal system of international carriage by air are rather disappointing. The problem of maintaining and developing the uniformity of this regulation exceeds the scope of interest and competence of governmental transport agencies. The expectations of mankind linked to it are too great to give up trying to restore the uniform legal system of international air carriage that would create proper conditions for its further growth. It appears that ICAO has, at present, a good opportunity for doing this. The hasty preparation of ICAO draft conventions should be definitely excluded. Every Preliminary draft convention ought to be sent to Governments of all member-States for consideration, So that they could in form ICAO in due time of their observation. The problom of harmonizing a uniform law of international air carriage with that of other branches of international transport should demand more and more of its attention. ICAO cooperation with other international arganization, especially these working in the field of international transport, should be strengthened. ICAO is supposed to act as a link and a mediator among, at times the conflicting interests of member States, serving the happiness and peace of all of the world. The transformation of the contemporary world of developing international relations, stimulated by steadily growing international cooperation in its various dimensions, political, economic, scientific, technological, social and cultural, continuously confronts ICAO with new task.

• 한국재난정보학회 논문집
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• 제16권1호
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• pp.163-177
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• 2020

연구목적: 최근 시설물 유지관리의 중요성이 높아짐에 따라 시설물 유지관리 분야에 첨단기술의 도입과 활용이 증가하고 있다. 첨단기술이 현장에서 실효적 효과를 발휘하기 위해서는 진단장비의 검인증제도를 통한 신뢰성 확보가 필요하나 제도도입에 대한 사회적인 요구와는 별개로 업계의 시각 및 현실적인 기술수준에는 차이가 존재하고 있다. 본 논문에서는 현황에 대한 종합 및 실무자에 대한 의견조사를 통해 합리적인 시설물 진단장비 검인증 제도의 도입 방향을 연구하였다. 연구방법: 시설물 점검 및 진단장비의 첨단기술 도입 및 활용 촉진을 위한 검인증제도 도입 필요성 및 시급성에 대하여 유지관리 및 건설 분야 실무자들을 대상으로 설문조사를 실시하였다. 또한 일본 및 국내 장비 관련 유사인증제도의 비교분석을 통해 첨단 시설물 진단장비에 대한 검인증제도 도입 방향을 검토하였다. 연구결과: 첨단기술 적용에 대하여 실무자 의견은 높은 비율로 유지관리 분야에 드론 및 로봇 등 첨단기술의 도입이 필요하며, 첨단기술 도입 시 현장에서 상당한 효과를 발휘할 것으로 조사되었다. 반면 현재 국내의 기술 수준은 상대적으로 낮아 기술적용에는 일정한 시간이 소요될 것으로 조사되었다. 또한 시설물 진단장비 검인증제도의 도입을 통해 신뢰성 높은 시설물 진단장비 보급될 것으로 조사되었다. 한편, 국내외 진단 및 계측 장비 등에 대한 유사제도 조사결과, 직접적으로 시설물 유지관리에 첨단기술을 적용한 장비를 검인증 하는 제도는 없으며, 다만, 일본에 진단장비의 성능평가 체계가 도입되어 있다. 국내의 융복합기술이 적용된 제품 인증제도 및 운용중인 186개 인증제도 가운데 유사한 21개 계측 및 진단장비 인증제도를 분석하여, 첨단시설물진단장비에 대한 검인증제도 도입방안을 제시하였다. 결론: 실무자들의 의견을 종합하면 시설물 유지관리 분야의 합리화를 위하여 진단장비에 대한 4차 산업혁명 기술의 적용과 신뢰성 높은 진단장비 활용을 지원하는 검인증제도의 도입은 충분한 타당성을 갖는 것으로 볼 수 있다. 그러나 현실적인 과제는 우리나라의 첨단기술 수준이 시급성에 비하여 낮게 평가되고 있어 첨단 시설물 점검 및 진단장비 검인증 제도는 기술적용 및 검증 수준을 고려한 단계적 확대 형태로 시행되어야 한다. 또한 검인증제도 도입과는 별개로 시설물 진단장비 첨단화 촉진을 위한 별도의 투자 및 지원과 노력이 필요 하다.

• 항공우주정책ㆍ법학회지
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• 제30권2호
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• pp.3-36
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• 2015

2014년말 기준 항공레포츠 동호인은 약 13만명, 경항공기 356대, 경량항공기 200대, 초경량비행장치 636대에 이르고 있으며, 항공레포츠 산업은 향후 생활수준 향상에 따라 급격히 발전할 유망 레저산업으로 부상하고 있다. 또한 초경량비행장치, 특히 무인비행장치를 활용한 사용사업도 지속적으로 증가하는 추세에 있으며, 향후 이들 장치를 활용한 관광, 레저 사업자 서비스에 대한 수요도 증가할 것으로 전망된다. 본 논문은 경항공기, 경량항공기 및 초경량비행장치 관련 지속적인 수요 증가에 대비하여 경항공기, 경량항공기 및 초경량비행장치 산업 활성화를 위한 "경(소형)비행장 개발의 표준화"를 통한 개발 방안에 대한 연구를 목적으로 하였다. 정부에서 제시하고 있는 항공레저산업의 활성화를 위해서는 전국에 경비행장을 많이 건설하여 운영할 수 있는 인프라를 제공해야 하지만, 각 지자체와 기관들은 앞 다투어 경항공기 비행장 건설에 나서고 있으나, 현실적으로 개발이 된 곳은 많지 않다. 정부차원에서도 경비행장 입지를 위한 연구를 진행한 바 있으나, 후보지만 검토하였고, 실제 건설에 대한 타당성을 수행하고 있지 못하다. 만일 실제로 건설이 된다면, 이러한 비행장의 입지가 과연 적합한지에 대해서는 타당성 검토를 통해 다시 한 번 검증 받게 될 것이다. 그리고 기존 연구보고서들과 관련 문서를 통해 입지선정 요소를 도출해내고, 전문가의 설문을 통해 경비행장의 입지선정 요소들을 분석해 내고자 하였다. 연구모형은 AHP분석을 위해 계층화 형태로 정하였는데, 선행연구 검토를 토대로 가중치를 정하여, 경비행장 입지선정요소에 대하여 2단계 구성을 기술/운영적 요소, 경제/정책적요소로 선정하였다. 그리고 3단계로 기술적 요소, 운영적 요소로 구성하였다. 마지막 단계로는 총 11개 (기상조건, 장애물 제한표면 조건, 공역조건, 운항절차, 소음문제, 환경문제, 시설의 이용성, 건설 및 투자비용, 지역경제 기여도, 접근성, 산업연계성)의 하위요소들을 선정하여 구성하였다. 경항공기 비행장 입지선정 요소 가중치 설문은 본 분야의 전문가 집단인 항공 운항, 관제 등의 교수 및 기장, 교관, 관제사, 정비사 등 전문가 70명을 대상으로 실시하였다. 일관성 지수는 CI=0.02로 일관성이 있는 것으로 나타났다.