• Journal of the Society of Disaster Information
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.413-420
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• 2015

This study analyzes the current status of Korea's legal system was a disaster in the rural region and to identify problems. There are many problems in rural region despite the specificity and uniqueness of the area significantly as compared to the city did not receive such consideration as to distinguish the area as part of the institutional election strategy. Through this study, we analyze the problem more effectively and to respond proactively to the disaster in the rural region. And it sought a solution to the problem and its legal system.

• Journal of East-Asian Urban History
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.65-85
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• 2020

Examining how the CCP operated social services in Shanghai neighborhood[linong] in early 1950s, this article reveals the hidden relation between social service and rectification of neighborhood organizations in 1954. One of the main purpose of 1954 rectification was to guarantee provision of grassroots level of the city by recruiting local cadres, the implementers of social services. Though series of social service, such as night patrol, cleaning and public charity were indispensable for residents' life and welfare(fuli)[福利] of neighborhood, the social services was the something most of the Shanghai residents were reluctant to do. The result was the shortage of human resource for social service, triggering the "nominal position(gua ming)[掛名] " phenomenon. During political rectification of neighborhood organizations in 1954 Shanghai Municipal government tried to solve this 'decline of human resource in social services' problem by attracting the unemployed to the position of basic level cadre. To be specific, it demanded jobless person in neighborhood to be registered in time if they want a job placement. And it used that registration as the nominee of cadre in re-election process of the rectification campaign. The government measures were closely related to Shanghai people's inclination to rely on party-state when they try to get a job. Hence political rectification in neighborhood organizations become the strategic tool of city governance to mobilize residents in operating social services. So this article suggests that the CCP's urban governance was a complex and nuanced process to induce urban residents' interest and voluntarism beyond the suppression-oriented totalitarian perspective.

• Journal of Broadcast Engineering
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.67-82
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• 2020

This study is based on the screen composition(shot size, split screen, candidate placement, lighting, stage) that fits the discussion process (round table, sitting, standing method) adopted from the 19th presidential candidates' TV joint discussion to analyze the adequacy and limitations of the methodology(design, candidate background, etc.). In addition, the progress and screen composition of the 45th US Presidential Candidates Debate in 2016 and the 25th Presidential Candidates of France TV Joint Debate in 2017 have been analyzed to compare and contrast the methods used in Korea. Through this, we apply the screening method to the 20th Presidential Candidate TV Joint Debate, which will be held in 2022, to fit the fixed discussion process that can fully identify candidates' qualities, policies, and vision.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.3-25
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• 2022

The governance structure of public broadcasters is the hottest topic in domestic media policy. This study examines the flow of discussions by period by synthesizing the research literature on the governance structure of domestic public broadcasting since 2000. As a result, active discussion on the governance structure of public broadcasting was confirmed to have appeared following the conservative governments after 2008, derived from the "crisis theory of public broadcasting." In addition, the discussion was conducted centered on the public values of public broadcasting and direction of system improvement, political independence of public broadcasting, composition of the board of directors, and presidential election system. This study suggested that future discussions on the governance structure of public broadcasting should expand the existing discussion of political independence to encompass the values, responsibilities, and systems of public broadcasting that presuppose citizen participation.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.14 no.9
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• pp.24-44
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• 2014

This study explores the political meaning of candidate's speech and statement who run for the 18th presidential election in the viewpoint of communication. The visibility of the words and the connectivity between the words are analyzed in the viewpoint of structural aspect and the vision, policy. The visibility of the words is analyzed based on the frequency of the words mentioned in the speech or the statement. The connectivity between the words are analyzed based on the network analysis and expressed by graph. In the case of candidate Park, the key word is the happiness of the people and appointment. The key word for candidate Moon is regime change and the Korean Peninsula and the key word for candidate Ahn is the people and change. This study contributes positively to the study of candidate's discourse in the viewpoint of methodology by using network analysis and exploring scientifically the connectivity of the words. In the theoretical aspect this study uses the results of network analysis for revealing what is the leadership components in the speech and the statement. In conclusion, this study highlights the extension of the communication studies.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.168-206
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• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.48 no.5
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• pp.651-666
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• 2013

The objective of this study is to introduce the characteristics and establishing process of national regional policy for the sunbelt developmentr initiative of the southern coastal area in Korea. Discussion on the development of southern coastal area of Korea with some members of the Korea Society of Future Studies began in the early 1990s, and its discussion was continued with the activities by the Committee on Regional Unity of the Grand National Party and Namhaean Forum. The sunbelt development initiative was selected as one of the major commitments of the Grand National Party in the 17th presidential election of Korea. Since the launching of the Lee Myung-bak government, the Presidential Committee on Balanced National Development made a comprehensive plan for sunbelt development of southern coastal area(CPSD), and this plan was confirmed by central governmental planning in May 2010. CPSD is meaningful in terms of the fir first national regional planning and legal plan in Korea. The target year of CPSD is 2020, and some projects by CPSD started in 2010. However, there are many negative views that CPSD will not be going too well. Therefore, new efforts and roles of geographers who participated in the process of planning of CPSD are required for the success of CPSD.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.22
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• pp.107-130
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• 2003

This study evaluated the debate formats adopted in the 2002 Televised Presidential Debates. Presidential Debate Committee have sponsored Televised Presidential Debates during the official campaign period. However, it is not easy task for the Committee to coordinate each party's different interests, such as voters, candidates, and broadcasters. Presidential candidates tries to use the debates as one of their campaign strategies. Broadcasters argued limitations in programming and production process. Regardless of the obstacles, voters expect that the committee makes ideal debate formats. The committee adopted two new forms in the 2002 Debates. The committee allowed direct exchange between candidates as well as advance question preparation by candidate. The committee intends that candidates focus on discussing policy issues. Some studies found that the debate format to allow direct exchange between candidates makes candidates focus on image issues rather than policy issues. The findings of this study are similar to the previous studies'. The new debate formats adopted in 2002 televised presidential debates did not guarantee policy issue oriented discussion. The committee or scholars should evaluate the debate formats used in the presidential debates in order to establish ideal debate formats that gives important information for votes to determine their choice. It is necessary to systematically evaluate the debate formats of former presidential campaign for developing right debate formats.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.298-311
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• 2003

Building the new administration capital city, one of presidential candidate Moo-Hyun Rho's election pledges, is now listed as a priority national policy agenda of the Participation Government. However, so many people's negative attitudes ranging from cynical skepticism to firm objections against the national policy agenda may threaten its smooth policy actualization. At this juncture, this paper attempts to present persuasive arguments and discuss some critical issues to be considered for building the new administration capital city successfully. The paper begins with taking a look at the current state of hyper-concentration of Seoul agglomeration area and its harmful effects, paints a vision of 'an evenly developed country as a whole' via illustrating the vision from the Swiss case, and reviews the performance of the precedent governments' reform measures for rectifying the hyper-concentration of Seoul agglomeration area. And then, the paper argues for building the new administration capital city as a potent solution to the problem of excessive concentration of activities in Seoul agglomeration area, as well as a driving force to spur the government to realize the Participation Government' enthusiastic vision: 'a decentralized and evenly developed country as a whole' and 'the hub country in the Northeast Asia'. In addition, the paper discusses the location of the new administration capital city in connection with the forthcoming national unification. Lastly, the paper deals with the important issues such as the procedure of people's approval, the population size and legal status of the new administration capital city, the relationship between building the new administration capital city and decentralization reform, etc.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.185-212
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• 2017

The National League for Democracy (NLD) has restored a civilian government since the military had taken political power in 1962 as a result of general elections on 7, November 2015. But Daw Aung San Suu Kyi could not take part in the presidential election due to some restraints in constitution, so new government created the state counsellor position and the ministry of sate counsellor's office against military's resistance. It never publicized whether the military has to back to barracks including abolish of military's occupying the parliament seats. The ruling party is still taking laissez-faire to the military's political and economic role. The National level Ceasefire Agreement called the 21st Panglong conference launched in the end of August for a week, but stakeholders only insisted their demands. Rohingya issue is not involved in the 21st Panglong conference which aims to achieve national unity. The U.S. fully lifted a comprehensive sanction toward Myanmar since 1993, Japan promised huge grant assistance succeeding the former quasi civilian government. China strived to restore alienated relations of two countries. Although Korea kept Official Development Assistance, the summit which was planed two times in 2016 did not hold. The civilian government announced twelve points of developmental agenda in July 2016, instead of destroying the national development policy of the Thein Sein government. This agenda only showed the direction of policy not road map which was the same trend of the former government. The main direction of economic development stressed agriculture but manufacture like light industry was ignored.