• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.90-104
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• 2011

This study identified the scenic characteristics in Gugok and symbolism reflected in titles of the scenery of the season in Gugok from a perspective of Sundoism concentrated on Galeun Gugok in Goisan which is influenced most greatly by Sundoism hermit ideas in Korea, along with Seonyudong-Gugok. In addition, it suggested a measure for arrangement and narrative Storyboard of Galeun Gugok structure corresponding with promotion and propagation of Gugok cultural scenes and educational goals. According to analysis and interpretation of the various Gugoks forming Galeun Gugok in terms of their titles, names engraved in surrounding elements and the coherent symbolic meanings of its scenery and place through comparison with secenery of near Seonyudong-Gugok, the result shows that Galeun Gugok comprises wishes for eternal life in the forms of Taoist hermit-related scenery of the season within the range of stream and old stories based on environmental affordance. In figurative way, it ultimately presents the Wonyung(圓融) idea which seeks a harmonious combination of God and humankind. In particular, consciousness of longevity without problems is deeply inherent in the background of eternalness of plants, divinity of animals and natural homeostasis. Also, 9 Gok Seongukam set up at visual terminal reflect noticeably that a game Go is the amusement of the immortals, which describe 9 ranks of GO figuratively. Galeun Gugok is formed in a unity structure, which is hermit-oriented Sundoism and motif, such as longevity and immortality, divinity and enjoyment of Sundoism hermit rather than used as a method to achieve taste for the arts or ethics. Given the fact, it presents eternal longevity and atmosphere of seclusion in very strong way. Development of spatial Storyboard structure based on this is interpreted as 'Entering the world of hermits(Introduction)'-'Looking the world(Development)'-'Living with hermits(Turn)'-'Becoming hermit(Conclusion).' Finally, the scenery image of Galeun Gugok presented in surface structure is based on beauty of the immortal land scenery as well as beauty of pre-achieved space in Gugokdongcheon and arranged the vertical narrative structure as divine space of 9 ranks of GO. Taking those into account, scenery story board of Galeun Gugok was suggested in accordance with a theme of 6 cuts; Gnagsun(降仙)-Sungyeong(仙境)- Sunyak(仙藥)-Sunhak(仙鶴)-Sunyu(仙遊)-Eunsun(隱仙). It is obvious that hermit which live an eternal life as a representative of Sundoism, should be the main motif of scenery planning in a filed of modem landscaping. Therefore, the most valuable component in designing Korean landscape must be the homeostasis of surrounding landscape which supports the characteristics of invariability and divinity of nature.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.118-129
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• 2011

This study is about the governor general's official residence and its garden in Yongsan that were constructed during the Japanese occupational time. The garden design drawing was also made while planning such Neo-Baroque style building, and it contains particular information of the garden unlike the other existing landscape drawings. The content of garden translated and landscape historical value drawn out by analysis of garden drawings, press articles and literatures are as follows; First, such governor general's official residence garden in Yongsan is likely to be the Korean first western style landscape form. For, from the point that it was completely constructed together with such official residential building in 1909, its construction time should be before that of the garden of Seokjojeon, Deoksu Palace, which was constructed in 1911. Second, it shows the garden style and garden planting factors introduced together with the modern architecture then. Such garden planting factors are placed from the center axis of the garden that is connected to the center of the building and monument as well. Such style and factors cover and show the flower bed appearing in Baroque style gardens, the monument that forms Vista playing the center of audience's vision, water space that is placed symmetrically against the axis, planting pattern that emphasizes the plants' space, flower bed shape and axis, and what kinds of plants were introduced then. Third, it shows the using pattern of western style gardens. Western style garden parties used to take in place in this garden while official dinner and reception were held in the evening in the official residence. Fourth, it shows the historical value as a modern landscape drawing, which is the Korean first landscape drawing that shows the plants' names and planting techniques marking the current height and planned height for change of topography and water system as a water landscape factor. That is, this drawing has the value that it was upgraded from the other existing ones that expressed only simple plants' symbols or flower bed shapes. I, therefore, hope that the studies on the modern landscape would be getting wider by excavation of new historical records in the future.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.55-68
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• 2020

The inscription found on buncheong ware (粉靑沙器, grayish-blue-powdered celadon) provides information on the bowl today, but in the past served as a device for controlling tributary payments (貢納) and the movement of government property (官物). The inscription had to be written or engraved clearly so that it could be recognizable to officials in charge of managing bowls. Such inscriptions offer important clues for contemporary research on buncheong ware. Buncheong Bowl with Stamped Design and Inscription of "Naeja" (內子) (bon 13808) in the collection of the National Museum of Korea bears a distinct inscription compared to other buncheong ware. Commonly, the inscription on buncheong indicated the name of the government office (官司名) to which the vessel belonged or the name of the place (地名) where the vessel was produced. However, the inscription "Naeja" on the buncheong bowl at the National Museum of Korea has no corresponding government office. "Naeja" is in fact a misspelling of Naeja (內資), meaning this bowl belonged to the Naejasi (內資寺, Royal Bureau of Procurement). Although "Naeja" (內子) was a misspelling of the intended Naeja (內資), it was still understood as a reference to the Naejasi since they were homophonic. Recently, buncheong ware with misspelled yet homophonous inscriptions have begun to be excavated in downtown Seoul. Examples including "Naeja" (內子) instead of Naeja (內資) and "Insu" (仁守) instead of Insu (仁壽) have been unearthed from historical sites in Seoul that functioned as consumption sites, meaning they were in fact circulated as government property despite the misspellings (whether accidental or the outcome of ignorance). Such misspelled yet homophonous inscriptions are characterized by the use of simple characters and a few sloppy strokes. Like other buncheong ware bearing the inscriptions of government office names, the bowls with the inscriptions of "Naeja" (內子) and "Insu" (仁守) were discovered at historical sites in Seoul. These misspelled homophonous inscriptions reveal that errors occurred during the process of engraving inscriptions on buncheong ware produced as a tributary payment during the early Joseon Dynasty and that buncheong ware with such errors were still distributed.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.32
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• pp.31-76
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• 2019

Lee Sang-ho published Jeungsan Cheonsa Gongsagi (Records of the Holy Works of Celestial Master Jeungsan) in 1926. Then, after complementing the book with additional materials, he published Daesoon Jeon-gyeong in the form of a religious scripture. Since then, Daesoon Jeon-gyeong has been expanded to a sixth edition which was published in 1965. The Haengnok of Daesoon Jinrihoe's The Jeon-gyeong, which was published decades later than Daesoon Jeon-gyeong describes Sangje's whole life year by year in five chapters starting from his descent to the human world all the way to his passing into heaven. It comprehensively contains the essential contents of other chapters from The Jeon-gyeong. This paper was written for the following three goals: first, to study the contents of Haengnok that summarize Sangje's life. Second, to see how its contents are related to descriptions from the other six chapters. Lastly, to discuss how certain verses have been changed from the way they appeared Daesoon Jeon-gyeong. When we compare these two scriptures, there are some verses that are found only in the Haengnok section of The Jeon-gyeong. For example, the verse that explains how Sangje's family name 'Kang' originated and how his ancestors came to live in Gobu area is described only in The Jeon-gyeong. The origin of the family name Kang is considered important because he descended into the world as a human bearing the family name Kang, and it is included in his official name that represents his divine position. Also, unique to The Jeon-gyeong are verses such as those describing "Samsin San (the three holy mountains) in the area where Sangje descended to and verses about the historical change of place names in the areas where Sangje lived. These verses have great significance in terms of their mystical aspects within Daesoon Thought. Secondly, the record about Sangje's Holy Works at Siru Mountain in The Jeon-gyeong is not found in Daesoon Jeon-gyeong. The Holy Works at Siru Mountain are important because they provide proof of Sangje's major activities during the period between his 3-year travel around the country and his Cheonji-gongsa (Reordering Works of the Universe). Next to be observed are some changes in verses that can be seen when comparing The Jeon-gyeong to Daesoon Jeon-gyeong. Of particular impostance here are the story of Sangje's Holy Work called 'King in White Cloth and General in White Cloth' and the description of Sangje's passing into heaven. Both records contain key changes that distinguish The Jeon-gyeong from Daesoon Jeon-gyeong.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.80-97
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• 2023

By taking wallpaper specimens from Gyeongbokgung Palace, Changdeokgung Palace, and Chilgung Palace preserved from the late Joseon Dynasty to the present, we planned in this study to determine the types and characteristics of the paper used as wallpaper in the Joseon royal family. First, we confirmed the features of paper hanging in the palaces with old literature on the wallpaper used by the royal family based on archival research. Second, we conducted a field survey targeting the royal palaces whose construction period was relatively clear, and analyzed the first layer of wallpaper directly attached to the wall structure after sampling the specimens. Therefore, we confirmed that the main raw material was hanji, which was used as a wallpaper by the royal family, and grasped the types of substances(dyes and pigments) used to produce a blue color in spaces that must have formality by analyzing the blue-colored paper. Based on the results confirmed through the analysis, we checked documents and the existing wallpaper by comparing the old literature related to wallpaper records of the Joseon Dynasty palaces. We also built a database for the restoration of cultural properties when conserving the wallpaper in the royal palaces. We examined the changes in wallpaper types by century and the content according to the place of use by extracting wallpaper-related contents recorded in 36 cases of Uigwe from the 17th to 20th centuries. As a result, it was found that the names used for document paper and wallpaper were not different, thus document paper and wallpaper were used without distinction during the Joseon Dynasty. And though there are differences in the types of wallpaper depending on the period, it was confirmed that the foundation of wallpaper continued until the late Joseon Dynasty, with Baekji(white hanji), Hubaekji(thick white paper), jeojuji(common hanji used to write documents), chojuji(hanji used as a draft for writing documents) and Gakjang(a wide and thick hanji used as a pad). As a result of fiber identification by the morphological characteristics of fibers and the normal color reaction(KS M ISO 9184-4: Graph "C" staining test) for the first layer of paper directly attached to the palace wall, the main materials of hanji used by the royal family were confirmed and the raw materials used to make hanii in buildings of palaces based on the construction period were determined. Also, as a result of analyzing the coloring materials of the blue decorative paper with an optical microscope, ultraviolet-visible spectroscopic analysis(UV-Vis), and X-ray diffraction analysis(XRD), we determined that the type of blue decorative paper dyes and pigments used in the palaces must have formality and identified that the raw materials used to produce the blue color were natural indigo, lazurite and cobalt blue.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.172-205
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• 2011

Go bears significant meanings in terms of cultural and entertaining functions in Asia Eastern such as China and Japan. Beyond the mere entertaining level, it produces philosophical and mythic discourse as well. As a part of effort to seek an identity of Korean traditional garden culture, this study traced back to find meanings of rock-go-board and taste for the arts which ancestors pursued in playing Go game, through analysis and interpretation of correlation among origin of place name, nearby scenery, carved letters and vicinal handed-down place name. At the same time, their position, shape and location types were interpreted through comprehensive research and analysis of stone-go-boards including rock-go-board. Particularly, it focused on the rock names related to Sundoism(仙道) Ideal world, fixed due to a connection between traces of Sundoism and places in a folk etymology. Series of this work is to highlight features of the immortal sceneries, one of traditional landscaping ideals, by understanding place identity and scenic features of where the rock-go-boards are carved. These works are expected to become foundation for promotion and preservation of the traditional landscaping remains. The contents of this study could be summarized as follows; First, round stone and square board for round sky and angled land, black and white color for harmony of yin and yang and 361paths for rotating sky are symbols projecting order of universe. Sayings of Gyuljungjirak(橘中之樂), Sangsansaho(商山四皓), Nangagosa(爛柯故事) formed based on the idea of eternity stand for union of sky and sun. It indicates Go game which matches life and nature spatiotemporally and elegant taste for arts pursuing beauty and leisure. Second, the stone-go-boards found through this research, are 18 in total. 3 of those(16.1%), Gangjin Weolnamsaji, Yangsan Sohanjeong and Banryongdae ones were classified into movable Seokguk and 15(83.9%) including Banghakdong were turned out to be non-movable rock-go-boards carved on natural rocks. Third, upon the result of materializing location types of rock-go-boards, 15 are mountain stream type(83.9%) and 3 are rock peak type(16.1%). Among those, the one at Sobaeksam Sinseonbong is located at the highest place(1,389m). Considering the fact that all of 15 rock-go-boards were found at mountainous areas lower than 500m, it is recognizable that where the Go-boards are the parts of the living space, not far from secular world. Fourth, there are 7 Sunjang(巡將) Go with 17 Hwajeoms(花點), which is a traditional Go board type, but their existences, numbers and shapes of Hwajeom appear variously. Based on the fact, it is recognizable that culture of making go-board had been handed down for an extended period of time. Among the studied rock-goboards, the biggest one was Muju Sasunam[$80(82)cm{\times}80(82)cm$] while the smallest one was Yangsan Sohandjeong Seokguk ($40cm{\times}40cm$). The dimension of length and breadth are both $49cm{\times}48cm$ on average, which is realistic size for actual Go play. Fifth, the biggest bed rock, an under-masonry with carved Go-board on it, was one in Muju Sasunam[$8.7m{\times}7.5m(65.25m^2)$], followed by ones in Hoengseong Chuiseok[$7.8m{\times}6.3m(49.14m^2$] and Goisan Sungukam[$6.7m{\times}5.7m(37.14m^2)$]. Meanwhile, the smallest rock-go-board was turned out to be one in Seoul Banghak-dong. There was no consistency in directions of the Go-boards, which gives a hint that geographical features and sceneries of locations were considered first and then these were carved toward an optimal direction corresponding to the conditions. Sixth, rock-go-boards were all located in valleys and peaks of mountains with breathtaking scenery. It seems closely related to ancestors' taste for arts. Particularly, rock-go-boards are apprehended as facilities related to taste for arts for having leisure in many mountains and big streams under the idea of union of sky and human as a primitive communal line. Go became a medium of hermits, which is a traditional image of Go-game, and symbol of amusement and entertainment with the idea that Go is an essence of scholar culture enabling to reach the Tao of turning back to nature. Seventh, the further ancient time going back to, the more dreamlike the Go-boards are. It is an evident for that Sundoism, which used to be unacceptable once, became more visible and realistic. Considering the high relation between rock-go-boards and Sundoism relevant names such as Sundoism peak in Danyang Sobaeksan, 4 hermits rock in Muju and Sundoism hermit rock in Jangsu, Sundoism hermit rocks and rock-go-boards are sceneries and observation spots to express a communication of worship and longing for Sundoism. Eighth, 3 elements-physical environment such as location type of the rock-go-boards, human activities concentrated on 8 sceneries and Dongcheongugok(洞天九曲) setup and relevancy to Confucian scholars, as well as 'Sangsansaho' motif and 'Nangagosa' symbolic meaning were used as interpretation tools in order to judge the place identity. Upon the result, spatial investigation is required with respect to Sunyoodongcheon(仙遊洞天) concept based on enjoyment to unify with the nature rather than Dongcheongugok concept of neo-Confucian, for Dongcheon and Dongmoon(洞門) motives carved around the rock-go-boards. Generally, places where mountain stream type rock-go-boards were formed were hermit spaces of Confucianism or Sundoism. They are considered to have compromised one other with the change of times. Particularly, in the rock-go-board at the mountain peak, sublimity-oriented advent of Sundoism is considered as a significant factor to control place identity. Ninth, including where the rock-go-boards were established, the vicinal areas are well-known as parts of Dongcheongugok and Palkyung(八景) mostly. In addition, many of Sundoism relevant expressions were discovered even in the neighboring carvings written by scholars and nobility, which means sophisticated taste based on longing for Sundoism world played a significant role in making go-board. The rock-go-board is an integration of cultural phenomena naturally managed by seclusion of scholars in the Joseon Dynasty as well as remains and essence of Korean traditional landscaping. Some rock-go-boards out of 17 discovered in South Korea, including ones in Sobaeksan Sinsunbong, Banghak-dong, Chungju Gongili, Muju Sasunam, Yangsan Eogokdong Banryongdae Seokguk, are damaged such as cracks in rocks or fainted lines by hardships of time and hand stains. Worse yet, in case of Eunyang Bangudae Jipcheongjeong board, it is very difficult to identify the shape due to being buried. Rock-go-boards are valuable sculptures in terms of cultural asset and artwork since they reflect ancestors' love for nature and longing for Sundoism world. Therefore, they should be maintained properly with right preservation method. Not only rock-boards itself but also peripheral places are excellent cultural heritages and crucial cultural assets. In addition, vicinal sceneries of where rock-goboards and pavilion spots are the representative remains of embracing prototype of Korean traditional landscaping and major parts of cultural properties.

• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.209-237
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• 2012

1. Research Purpose Consumers rely on various clues to evaluate their decision to patronize a retail store, and store brand is one of them (Dodds 1991; Grewal et al. 1998). As consumers find ever increasing variety of contact points connecting them to specific store, the value of experiential shopping as a means of increasing store's brand equity warrants greater attention from scholars of retail management. Retail shopping values are credited for creating not only cognitive experiences like brand knowledge but also emotional experiences such as shopping pleasure and pride (Schmitt 1999). This may be because today's consumers place emphasis on emotional values associated with shopping pleasure, lifestyle brought to life, brand relationship, and store atmosphere more than utilitarian values such as product quality and price. Many previous literature found this to be true (Ahn and Lee 2011; Mathwick et al. 2001). This brings forth important research issues and questions regarding the roles of shopping experiential values and brand equity with regard to consumer's retail patronage choice. However, despite this importance, research on this area remains quite inadequate (Hwang 2010). For this reason, this study aims to verify the relationships among experiential shopping values, retail store brand equity and tries to link that with customer loyalty by surveying large-scale discount store shoppers in Korea and China. 2. Research Contents In order to carry out the research objective, this study conducted comprehensive literature survey on previous literature by discussing major findings and implications with regard to shopping values and retail brand equity and store loyalty. For data collection, researcher employed survey-based research method where data were collected in two major cities of Korea (Seoul) and China (Bejing) and sampling frame was based on patrons of large discount stores in both countries. Specific research questions raised in this study are as follows; RQ1: How do Korean and Chinese consumers differently perceive of shopping values regarding shopping at large-sclae discount stores? RQ2: Are there differences in consumers' emotional consumption propensities? RQ3: Do Korean and Chinese consumers display different perceptions of brand equity towards large-scale discount stores? RQ4: Are there differences in relationships between shopping values and brand equity for Korean and Chinese consumers? For statistical analysis, SPSS17.0, AMOS17.0 and SmartPLS were employed. 3. Research Results The data collected through face-to-face survey conducted in Seoul and Bejing revealed appropriate data validity and reliability as a result of exploratory/confirmatory factor analysis and reliability tests, andh SEM model yielding satisfactory model fitness. The result of the study may be summarized by three main points. First, as a result of testing differences in consumption dispositions, Chinese consumers showed higher scores in aesthetic and symbolic dispositions, whereas Korean consumers scored higher in hedonic disposition. Second, testing on perceptions toward brand equity of large discount stores showed that Korean consumers exhibited more positive perceptions of brand awareness and brand image than Chinese counterparts. Third, the result of exploratory factor analysis on the experiential shopping values revealed different factors for each country. On Korean side, consumer interest value, aesthetic value, and hedonic value were prominent, whereas on Chinese side, hedonic value, aesthetic value, consumer interest value, and service excellence value were found salient. 4. Research Implications While many previous studies on inter-country differences in retailing area mainly focused on cultural dispositions or orientations to explain the differences, this study sets itself apart by specifically targeting individual consumer's shopping values from an experiential viewpoint. The study result provides important theoretical as well as practical implications for large-scale discount store, especially the impotance of fully exploring the linkage between shopping values and brand equity, which has significant influence on loyalty. Therefore, the specific implications deriving from the result shed some important insights upon the consumption values based on shopping experiences and brand equity. The differences found in store shoppers between the two countries may also provide useful insights for Korean and Chinese retailers who plan to expand their operations globally. Related strategic implications derived from this study is the importance of localizing retail strategy which is based on the differences found in experiential shopping values between the two country groups. Especially the finding that Chinese consumers value consumer interest and service excellence, whereas Koreans place importance on hedonic or aesthetic values indicates the need to differentiate the consumer's psychographical profiles when it comes to expanding retail operations globally. Particularly important will be to pursue price-orienated strategy in China in consideration of the high emphasis on consumer interests and service excellence, but to emphasize the symbolic aspects of brand equity in Korea by maximizing the brand equity associated with aesthetic values and hedonic orientations. 5. Recommendations This study focused on generic retail branded discount stores in both countries, thus making it difficult to tease out store-specific strategies based on specific retail brands. Future studies may benefit fro employing actual brand names in survey questionnaire to verify relationship between shopping values and brand-based store strategy. As with other studies of this nature, this study needs to strengthen the result's generalizability by selecting respondents from a wider spectrum of respondents.

• Journal of The Association for Neo Medicine
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.35-54
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• 1997

We tried to observe the features of ancient medical practice by analysing the records related to medicine in the book, ${\ulcorner}$the Historical Records of the Three Kingdom${\lrcorner}$ of which content includes the features of medicine in mythology, plague, delivery of twins, drugs, medical system, shamanism, constitutional medicine, psychiatry, forensic medicine, deformity, a spa, medical phrase, health and welfare work, religion, death. physiological anatomy, Taoist medicine, acupuncture, the occult af of transformation and etc. Our initial concern was about where to draw line as of medical field and we defined medicine in more broad meaning. The book ${\ulcorner}$the Historical Records of the Three Kingdoms${\lrcorner}$ describes the world of mythology by way of medicine which is not clearly a conventional one. There appears records of birth of multiple offsprings 7 times in which cases are of triplets or more. Delivering multiple offsprings were rare phenomenon though such fertility was highly admired. This shows one aspect of ancient country having more population meant more power of the nation. Of those medical records conveyed in that book includes stories of childbirth such as giving birth to a son after praying, giving birth to Kim Yoo-shin after 20 months after mother's dream of conception, and a song longing for getting a laudable child. Plagues were prevalent throughout winter to spring season and one can observe various symptoms of plagues in the record. Of these epidemic diseases, cold type might have been more common than the heat one. Appearance of epidemic diseases frequently coincided with that of natural disasters that this suggests a linkage between plague and underlying doctrine on five elements' motion and six kinds of natural factors. There exists only a few names of diseases such as epidemic disease, wind disease, and syndrome characterized by dyspnea. Otherwise there appeared only afflictions that were not specified therefore it remains cluless to keep track of certain diseases of prevalence. Since this ${\ulcorner}$Historical Records of the Three Kingdoms'${\lrcorner}$ wasn't any sort of medical book, words and terms used were not technical kind and most were the ones used generally among lay people. Therefore any mechanisms of the diseases were hardly mentioned. Some of medicinal substances such as Calculus Bovis, Radix Ginseng, Gaboderma Luciderm, magnetitum were also in use in those days. 53 kinds of dietary supplies appears in the records and some of these might have been used as medicinal purpose. Records concerning dicipline of one's body includes activities such as hunting, archery, horseback riding etc. In Shilla dynasty there were positions such as professor of medicine, Naekongbong(內供奉), Kongbong's doctor(供奉醫師), Kongbong's diviner(供奉卜師). As an educational facility, medical school was built at the first year of King Hyoso's reign and it's curricula included various subjects as ${\ulcorner}$Shin Nong's Herbal classic${\lrcorner}$, ${\ulcorner}$Kabeul classic of acupuncture and moxbustion${\lrcorner}$, ${\ulcorner}$The Plain Questions of the Yellow Emperor's Classic of Internal Medicine${\lrcorner}$, ${\ulcorner}$Classic of Acupuncturer${\lrcorner}$, ${\ulcorner}$The Pulse Classic${\lrcorner}$, ${\ulcorner}$Classic of Channels and Acupuncture Points${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$Difficult Classic${\lrcorner}$. There were 2 medical professors who were in charge of education. To establish pharmacopoeia, 2 Shaji(舍知), 6 Sha(史), 2 Jongshaji(從舍知) were appointed. In Baekje dynasty, Department of Herb was maintained. Doing praying for the sake of health, doing phrenology also can be extended to medical arena. Those who survived over 100 years of age appear 3 times in the record, while 98 appears once. The earliest psychiatrist Nokjin differentiated symptoms to apply either therapies using acupuncture and drug or psychotherapy. There appears a case of rape, a case of burying alive with the dead, 8 cases of suicide that can characterize a prototype of forensic medicine. Deformity-related records include phrases as follow: 'there seems protrudent bone behind the head', 'a body which has two heads, two trunks, four arms.', 'a body equipped with two heads' In those times spa can be said to be used as a place for he리ing, convalescence, and relaxation seeing the records describing a person pretended illness and went to spa to enjoy with his friends. Priest doctors and millitary surgeons were in charge of the medical sevice in the period of the Three Kingdoms by the record written by Mookhoja(墨胡子) and Hoonkyeom(訓謙). Poor diet and regimen makes people more vulnerable to diseases. So there existed charity services for those poor people who couldn't live with one's own capacity such as single parents, orphans, the aged people no one to take care and those who are ill. The cause of affliction was frequently coined with human relation. There appeared the phenomenon of releasing prisoners and allowing people to become priests at the time of king's suffering. Besides, as a healing procedure, sutra-chanting was peformed. There appears 10 cases of death related records which varies from death by drowning, or by freezing, death from animals, death from war, death from wightloss and killing oneself at the moment of spouse's death and etc. There also exist certain records which suggest the knowledge of physiology and anatomy in those times. Since the taoist books such as ${\ulcorner}$Book of the Way and Its Power(老子道德經)${\lrcorner}$ were introduced in the period of Three Kingdoms, it can be considered that medicine was also influenced by taoism. Records of higher level of acupuncture, records which links the medicine and occult art of transformation existed. Although limited, we could figure out the medical state of ancient society.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.20-37
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• 2012

After withdrawal of military troops of Chinese Tang dynasty in the 18th year of King Moon-moo's reign(678), the Silla Kingdom had actually unified the Korean peninsula and had divided the territory into 9 states benchmarking the China's local administrations adjustment system. He had established local administrative units by deploying secondary capitals, counties and prefectures in the nine states. The so-called "9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals" are what constitutes the local administrations system. The provinces can be compared to current provinces of the Republic of Korea(hereinafter Korea), and secondary capitals to megalopolises. According to a chapter of the Samkuksaki(三?史記) which had recorded the achievements of king Kyoungdeok in December in his 16th year on the throne(757), the local administrative units had amounted to 5 secondary capitals, 117 counties and 293 prefectures. There are still lots of ambiguous points since there have never been any consultation on locations of provinces and secondary capitals' castles, and on structures of cities because the researches for local cities inside the 9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals in the Unified Silla Kingdom has been conducted centering on the historic literatures only. The research for restoring structures of cities seen from an archeological perspective are limited to the studies of Taewoo Park("A study on the local cities in the Unified Kingdom Age" 1987) and that of the author("A study on the restoration of planned cities for the Unified Silla Kingdom in terms of the structures and realities of the castles in the 9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals" 2009). The Gangneung city of Gangwon province was originally called Haseoryang(河西良) of the Gogureo Kingdom as an ancient nation of Ye(濊). According to "Samkuksaki", it had evolved from Haseoju(河西州) to a secondary capitals in the 8th year of King Seonduk(639). Afterwards, it had been renamed as Myeongju(溟洲) in the 16th year of King Kyoungduk(757), and then several other names were given to it after Goryo dynasty. Taewoo Park claims that it is being defined as a sanctuary remaining in Myoungjudong because of the vestige of bare castle, and this cannot be ascertained due to the on-going urbanization processes. Also, the Kwandong university authority is suggesting an opinion of regarding Myeongju mountain castle located 3 Kms southwest of the center of Gangwon city as commanding post for the pertinent state. The author has restored the pertinent area into a city composed of villages within a lattice framework like Silla Keumkyoung and many other cities. The structure is depicted next. The downtown of Gangneung is situated on a flat terrain at the west bank of Namdaecheon stream flowing southwest to northeast along the inner area of the city. Though there isn't any hill comparatively higher than others in the vicinity, hills are continuously linked east to west along the northern area of the downtown, and the maximum width of flat terrain is about 1 Km and is not so large. Currently, urbanization is being proceeded into the inner portion of Gangneung city, the lands in all directions from the hub of Gangneung station have been readjusted, and thus previous land-zoning program is almost nullified. However, referring to the topographic chart drawn at the time of Japanese colonial rule, it can be validated that land-zoning program to accord the lattice framework with the length of its one side equaling to 190m leaves its vestige about 0.8Km northwest to southeast and about 1.7Km northeast to southwest of the vicinity of Okcheondong, Imdangdong, Geumhakdong, Myeongjudong, and etcetera which comprize the hub of the downtown. The land-zoning vestige within the lattice framework, compared to other cases related with the '9 states and 5 secondary capitals', is very much likely to be that of the Unified Silla Kingdom. That the length of a side of a lattice framework is 190m as opposed to that of Silla Geumkyoung and other cities with their 140m or 160m long sides is a single survey item in the future. The baseline direction for zoning the lands is tilting approximately 37.5 degrees west of northwest to southeast axis in accordance with the topographic features. It seems that this phenomenon takes place because of the direction of Namdaecheon and the geographic constraints of the hills in the north. Reviewing minimally, a rectangular size of zoned land by 4 Pangs(坊) on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 7 Pangs(坊) on the northeast to southwest side had been restored within a lattice framework. Otherwise, considering the extent of expansion of the existing zoned lands in the lattice framework and one more Pang(坊) being added to each side, it is likely that the size could have been with 5 Pangs(坊) on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 8 Pangs(坊) on the northeast to southwest side(950 M on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 1,520m on the northeast to southwest side). The overall shape is rectangle, but land-zoning programs reminiscent of rebuilt roads(red phoenix road) like Jang-an castle(長安城) of Chinese Tang dynasty or Pyoungseong castle(平城城) in Japan is not to be validated. There are some historic items among the roof tiles and earthen wares excavated at local administrative office sites or Gangneung's town castle in Joseon dynasty inside the area assumed to be containing municipal vestiges even though archeological survey for the vestige of Myeongju has not been made yet, and these items deserve dating back to the Unified Silla Kingdom age. Also, all of the construction sites at local administrative authorities of the Joseon dynasty are showing large degrees of slant in the azimuth. This is a circumstantial evidence indicating the fact that the inherited land-zoning programs to be seen in Gangneung in terms of the lattice framework had ever existed in the past. Also, the author does not decline that Myeongju mountain castle had once been the commanding post when reviewing the roof tiles at the edge of eaves in this stronghold. The ancient municipal castles in the Korean peninsula are composed of castles on the flat terrain as well as hilly areas and the cluster of strongholds like Myounghwal, Namhan, Seohyoung mountain castles built around municipal castle of Geumkyoung based on a lattice framework program. Considering that mountain castles are spread in the vicinity of municipal vestiges in other cities other than the 9 states and 5 secondary capitals, it is estimated that Myeongju was assuming the function of commanding post incorporating cities on the flat terrain and castles on the hills.