• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.22 no.4
• /
• pp.261-272
• /
• 2022

This study investigated the relationship between selective exposure, attitude polarization, and online political participation among 420 YouTube political video users. Additionally, the mediating effect of attitude polarization on the relationship between selective exposure and online political participation was examined. The main results were derived by conducting exploratory factor analysis, correlation analysis, and structural model analysis using the SPSS 21.0 program and AMOS 21.0 program. The results were presented as follows. First, selective exposure had a positive effect on attitude polarization. Second, selective exposure had a positive effect on online political participation. Third, attitude polarization had a positive effect on online political participation. Fourth, attitude polarization was found to mediate the relationship between selective exposure and online political participation. In summary, it was confirmed that selective exposure to YouTube political videos increased attitude polarization and online political participation, and the more the attitude polarization was strengthened by selective exposure, the more it led to online political participation.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• v.20 no.2
• /
• pp.1-18
• /
• 2021

This study investigates the influence of social network services (SNS) and political podcasts on youth participation in candlelight rallies leading up to the impeachment of the Korean president. It also examines the effect of SNS and podcasts on online participation through SNSs. It was found that engaging in political discussions with friends or parents and news media use, including TV and Internet newspapers, exerted a major positive influence on participation in the rallies. However, SNS had a negative influence, while podcasts did not have a significant effect. On the other hand, SNS and podcasts had a positive influence on online participation. The results of structural equation modeling showed that SNS and podcasts affected SNS participation in the mediation of political discussion and political efficacy.

• Informatization Policy
• /
• v.22 no.2
• /
• pp.3-18
• /
• 2015

We explore the issues on online political participation study in Korea compared with international one. More specifically, we characterize Korea's study trends as focusing on "who" is participating while international studies center on what the new "forms" of online political participation are. In other words, domestic studies try to show that online media play a role as a factor promoting bottom-up model of civic participation. Moreover, this function of online media is stimulated by the rapid growing of civic participation during democratization and citizens' deep disapproval of political institutions since then. However, previous studies are more interested in the expansion of participants, in particular, ordinary people. Therefore, the themes on conceptualizing and categorizing the online political participation seem to have been treated lightly. In this perspective, we need to view online political participation in a more multidimensional manner. In addition, we should pay attention to "those who do not participate" as well as "those who participate" in politics. Because the current media environment more tends to provoke citizens' political indifference than ever before. If it comes to that, we will be likely to face the circumstances worrying the democratic divide beyond the digital divide.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.32
• /
• pp.369-405
• /
• 2006

The purpose of this paper is to examine the usefulness of the concept of political efficacy and political trust as a way of explaining the development of political participation in the young people under the new age of the Internet. From the survey in which 221 university students participated, there were several findings: first, overall political efficacy has a predominant effect on political participation in both offline and online; second, political trust has little impact on the political participation of the youth; third, there showed up two interaction effects between political efficacy and political trust for the online conventional and unconventional participation in politics. It is found that in high efficacy group people with low trust are most likely to participate, while in medium efficacy group people with high trust are most likely to participate. In low efficacy group, however, political trust didn't make any difference in political participation. There are more factors that may predict political participation, such as political interest, political knowledge, political ideology, and demographic variables. For future studies, it is necessary to examine the effect of political efficacy and political trust in combination with these other variables to explain political participation by offline and online.

• Informatization Policy
• /
• v.27 no.1
• /
• pp.36-54
• /
• 2020

This study empirically analyzes the impact of digital divide between digital device usage motivation and operational skills on online political participation. The analysis was performed using the National Information Society Agency's 2018 digital divide survey data from September to December 2018 and applying the Heckman selection model to control the sample selection bias that may occur between internet users and non-users. The result shows the gap in motivation and device operational skills of individual citizens using digital devices has significant impact on online political participation. In socio-economic terms, it shows the age, education level and regional factors also have significant impact on online political participation, while gender and income levels do not. This study holds significance in that there are different patterns of digital divide between digital devices, identifying the motivation to use a digital device as an important factor for mobile device users, and the device operational skills, for personal computer users.

• Informatization Policy
• /
• v.22 no.3
• /
• pp.61-93
• /
• 2015

This article assesses and examines democratic potentials of the Internet for U.S. citizens' political participation. The empirical analysis on the data from Pew Research Center's questionnaire survey focuses on four different political activities in both online and offline modes: casual political talk, contact with a government official, petition, and political contribution. The study answers two research inquiries: 1) How does the Internet influence the established patterns of political participation?; and 2) How does the Internet influence the demographic distribution of participatory inequality? Firstly, the Internet, by providing existing participants with additional tools for participation, reinforces conventional participation, rather than mobilizing new participation in politics. Secondly, the online patterns of the participation divide with respect to demographic characteristics imitate the traditional patterns of inequality and disproportionate representativeness in political participation. The Internet is still not a predominant medium for political activities. Citizens' utilization of its transformative and mobilizing potentials remains limited.

• Journal of dental hygiene science
• /
• v.23 no.2
• /
• pp.93-102
• /
• 2023

Background: To investigate political participation by dental hygiene students and analyze the differences therein based on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy. Methods: A total of 239 dental hygiene students who were expected to graduate responded to the survey. The data were collected online using a structured questionnaire consisting of 6 items on general characteristics, 10 on political participation, and 15 on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy. Statistical analysis was performed using SPSS 23.0. Political participation based on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy was analyzed using independent t-tests, ANOVA, and multiple regression analysis (p<0.05). Results: Among the dental hygiene students, 60.7% voted in all three recent presidential, general, and local elections, and 14.2% did not. For political parties supported, 65.7% responded that they had "no supporting party," and 34.3% indicated that they had a "supporting party." In terms of the level of political participation of dental hygiene students (0~50 points), the average score was 25.8 points, with the average passive political participation (0~25 points) score at 15.6 points and the average active political participation (0~25 points) score at 10.2 points. With an increase in dental hygiene policy learning efficacy, both passive and active political participation showed higher scores (p<0.05). Conclusion: Dental hygiene students showed low political participation. The presence of a supporting party, higher voting participation, and higher learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy were associated with higher passive and active political participation. Therefore, to increase this population's interest in political participation, various opportunities for related learning need to be promoted and provided in academia, leading to the enhancement of their political capabilities. In this manner, dental hygienists should expand their capabilities in various roles such as advocates, policy makers, and leaders.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.39
• /
• pp.102-139
• /
• 2007

This research studied how political online discussion participation and experiencing opinion disagreement during the discussion affect on civic attitudes(interpersonal trust and reciprocity) and civic participation through pretest-posttest control group experimental treatment. For results, first of all, online political discussion positively affects on civic attitude of participants, but it's effect was partial. Next, experiencing opinion disagreement can help to have rather improving civic attitude than reducing civic attitude. Finally, civic attitude consists of interpersonal trust and reciprocity acquired from online discussion also partially and positively affects on civic participation which is more affected by reciprocity than interpersonal trust. Regard to these effect of online discussion, civic attitude can be extended by participating political communication(discussion), and participating communicative associations lead to encourage civic attitude of them and function to reinforce social integration and social ties.

• International Journal of Contents
• /
• v.18 no.2
• /
• pp.18-31
• /
• 2022

This study explored the effects of the parasocial relationship formed by CCTV (China Central Television) TV news and non-traditional news on users' perceived media credibility and their online and offline political participation. This study conducted a survey with the Chinese CCTV users between April 19 and April 30, 2021, and finally, 701 respondents' data were analyzed using structural equation modeling. The study results showed that both TV news and non-traditional news had positive effects on parasocial relationships and the parasocial relationship positively influenced media credibility, which subsequently facilitated political participation. However, there was no direct effect between media usage and media credibility. This implies the important mediating role of parasocial interactions, which enables CCTV news to gain media credibility and subsequently influence political participation. This study suggests that CCTV needs to improve the parasocial interactions between their audience and media figures by utilizing the interactive mechanism of non-traditional media.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
• /
• v.9 no.1
• /
• pp.68-78
• /
• 2021

Political weblogs are as diverse as political viewpoints are. In the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, several political crises occurred, such as opposition to the Amnesty Act, the constitutional amendment, and the anti-government protests. Remarkably, during this time, social media were used as a platform for political expressions. This study employed a content analysis method to explore twenty-nine Thai political weblogs established during the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra's administration. At the time, the most prominent Thai political weblogger was Nidhi Eawsriwong. Not surprisingly, the Pheu Thai Party and the Democrat Party were the most frequently appearing political parties in these weblog's posts. Most contents in these posts were related to government protesters by the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) and the coup d'état. The purposes of writing such weblogs were to express feelings and thoughts about Thai politics and to provide political information to the general public. The findings from this investigation revealed two significant uses of Thai political weblogs: the communication media for political expressions and viewpoints (a safe online space for political engagement and participation), and vital sources for Thai political information and news (social narratives).