This study speculated on a continuous issue of North Korean defectors and strategies to improve North Korean human rights. North Korean defectors have immigrated to South Korea continuously since the late 1990s. Their immigration was motivated by low financial status in the harsh marching period of North Korea until the mid-1990s. However, the defection motives changed like this: planned defection, family-based group defection and future-oriented defection. The North Korean defectors had had severe human rights abuses as illegal immigrants in the blind spots of human rights of China and the third nations until they were admitted to South Korea after defection. Although South Korea tried to help them consistently both in public and private ways, it was not satisfactory. Therefore, the government and private sectors should pay more consistent attention to the human rights issue. As the National Assembly passed the North Korean Human Rights Act on March 2016, the government should recognize the issue of North Korean defectors as that of universal value and a national issue, and cooperate each other nationally and internationally in diverse ways.
This paper aims to elucidate the historical significance and issues about DPRK-Japan relations in terms of the Korean Peninsula-Japan relations. The first issue is the 'Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea', and DPRK-Japan relations during the Cold War. The Relations Order between the Korean Peninsula and Japan, of 1965 ("65 Order), was closely linked with inter-Korean relations. The second issue is a critical re-interpretation of previous studies on the Stockholm agreement. Previous studies have focused on analyzing the question "Why did North Korea and Japan agree to Stockholm?", In other words, what was the intention of North Korea and Japan in Stockholm? This paper adds to raise the question of "How Did the Stockholm can be agreed?", to critically review the analysis performed by the previous studies. Through the analysis of this question, this paper reveals that the relationship between North Korea and Japan is on the qualitative change. And, based on this analysis, this paper argue that the South Korean government should attempt more active engagement and deploy more comprehensive approach to improve the relationship between North Korea and Japan.
This study speculates on responses to the nuclear threats of North Korea and mutual assistance and cooperation between South Korea, the U.S. and China for the unification of the Korean Peninsula. As for the North Koreas nuclear issue and unification of the Korean Peninsula, South Korea is the subject of national division, the U.S. is a responsible country in international issues and does not have diplomatic ties with North Korea. China is a traditional socialist nation and a supporter of North Korea. As North Korea's strategic weapons including nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles are international issues, to defend against Kim Jung-Eun's unexpected acts, the three countries should actively cooperate with each other and develop countermeasures. However, with respect to the road map of the North Koreas issue, there are subtle differences between the U.S. and China in recognition of and sanctions against North Korea as a resolution of the U..N. Security Council. The U.S. has continued a deterrence policy and sanctions against North Korea based on joint threats between South Korea and the U.S. while China has showed a negative position in the process of solving the North Korean nuclear issue because of the unstable security derived from the U.S. 's intervention in the Korean peninsula. North Korea should change its diplomatic policy in a more concrete way towards world peace although it has continued trade of strategic weapons with Middle Eastern countries to maintain its political system. For example, to restart the summit talks and open multilateral security channels. Although the issue of unification of the Korean peninsula should be resolved by South and North Korea themselves, it is strange that South and North Korea depend on the logic of powerful countries for the resolution of a national problem. As for North Koreas nuclear and the Unification issues, peaceful solutions presented by South Korea seem more persuasive than the solution presented by North Korea which did not secure any international support. However, South Korea, the U.S. and China need to develop uni-directional two-tract strategies for sanctions against North Korea and talks with North Korea for peace on the Korean peninsula, and should continue to support the economic independence of North Korea.
This study dealt with an issue of teaching Korean as a foreign language in North Korea through textbook analysis. The literature in this field has been quite rare compared to that in other fields in Korean language education, which is due to the adverse circumstances under which research into North Korea is currently carried out. The textbooks analyzed were 조선말회화(1) and 조선말회화(3) and the two learners who had studied Korean with these textbooks were interviewed. The main results show that (a) the grammar points in each chapter are unevenly distributed in 조선말회화(1), which makes it not look learner-centered; (b) each chapter in 조선말회화(1) is composed of speech acts, topics and situations, which renders it useful to its learners; (c) 조선말회화(3) emphasizes Korean oral discoursal features as a conversational textbook; and (d) 조선말회화(3) also covers much of reading comprehension-focused contents, which its learners may find burdensome. Foreseeing a possibility of teaching Korean as a foreign language in a reunified Korea makes it critical to carry out research into teaching Korean as a foreign language in North Korea. This calls for future collaborative research into this issue between two Koreas.
This study aimed to lay the groundwork for overcoming extreme polarization due to over-politization of North Korean issue by applying an approach based on the concept of 'conflict transformation' in order to analyze the North Korea's intervention in 'South-South conflict' and the structure of conflict in South Korean society. First of all, it analyzed how North Korea intervened in the two presidential elections in 2007 and 2012, the 'candlelight protest' in 2008, and the 'candlelight protest' in 2014 that were conducted in South Korean society. To this end, this study analyzed the contents of articles published by North Korea's official media, the Rodong Sinmun. It also analyzed aspects and characteristics of the North Korea's intervention in South-South conflict, also substance and cause of extreme polarization and over-politization of North Korean issue in South Korean society in terms of conflict context, relations, and memories. As a result, not only inter-Korean relations but also relations between the conservative and progressive forces in South Korean society need to be reset to overcome them. And based on these new relationship settings, it is evident that reconstruction of mutual memory and sharing work are required. This study is meaningful in that it has tried to incorporate existing researches while compensating the limitation of existing researches through a conflict transformation approach.
Journal of Nuclear Fuel Cycle and Waste Technology(JNFCWT)
/
v.7
no.3
/
pp.143-151
/
2009
Due to a more favorable climate in the recent relationship between U.S. and North Korea, North Korea nuclear issue is expected to enter the new phase of nuclear verification. From now on, our government should make preparation for taking the appropriate steps against the situation developed after the declaration by North Korea. Therefore, this paper is to identify the problems that may be occurred in the process of verifying and dismantling North Korea's nuclear program and to suggest the policy considerations that should be incorporated in establishing the action plan for verifying and dismantling her nuclear program, based on the analysis of experiences to verify and dismantle the WMDs in the former Soviet Union and in Iraq, respectively.
Noh, Jin-Won;Kwon, Young Dae;Yu, Shieun;Park, Hyunchun;Woo, Jong-Min
Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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v.48
no.1
/
pp.62-71
/
2015
Objectives: This study aimed to investigate North Korean refugees' knowledge of mental illnesses and treatments and analyze the factors affecting this knowledge. Methods: Subjects were selected via a snowball sampling method, and the survey outcomes of 152 North Korean refugee participants were analyzed. The factors affecting knowledge of mental illnesses were analyzed via a regression analysis by constructing a multivariate model with mental illness knowledge score as the dependent variable. Results: The North Korean refugees' mental illness scores ranged from 3 to 24 points, with an average score of 13.0. Regarding the factors that influence mental illness knowledge, the subjects with South Korean spouses and those who had spent more time in South Korea had higher knowledge scores. Furthermore, the subjects who considered the mental health of North Korean refugees to be a serious issue revealed lower knowledge scores than those who did not believe it was a serious issue. The subjects who visit psychiatric clinics showed higher knowledge scores than those who do not. The South Korean subjects who had at least a college education exhibited higher scores than did those without advanced education. The subjects who are satisfied with life in South Korea manifested a higher mental illness knowledge score than those who are not. Conclusions: This study is significant as being the first study to ever measure and evaluate the level of North Korean refugees' knowledge of mental illnesses. In addition, the evaluations of North Korean refugees' mental illness knowledge and influencing factors while residing in South Korea created basic data that formed the foundation of an effort to enhance mental health literacy and provide proper mental health services. The results of this study can be utilized to solve mental health problems that might frequently occur during the unification process of North and South Korea in the future.
The South Korean society has experienced many changes since the sinking of ROKS Cheonan. The government reviewed its defense posture and adopted the 5·24 Measure in its relations with North Korea. As a result, the people of South Korea became more conscious of security situations on the Korean peninsula while North Korea's economy suffered badly. Meanwhile, the South Korean government has taken a flexible stance toward North Korea in terms of exchange and cooperation since September 2011. The flexible stance was to manage inter-Korea relations in a stable manner and relieve the hardships of the North Korean people while preserving the spirits and purposes of the 5·24 Measure. The UN Security Council adopted twenty-six resolutions and statements on North Korea since June 25, 1950. They include thirteen U.N. Security Council resolutions including those concerning nuclear weapons or missile programs, nine Presidential statements, and four press statements. Resolution 82, the first U.N. resolution on North Korea, came when the Korean War broke out. Resolution 825, the first one related to nuclear or missile programs, was adopted in response to North Korea's withdrawal from the NPT. Apart from these U.N. resolutions, the United States has imposed separate sanctions against North Korea. North Korea's nuclear weapons program can be considered in comparison with that of Iran in terms of the consequences they create for the regional security. The Security Council has adopted six resolutions on Iran so far. One should note that the resolutions on Iran have had much stronger sanctions compared to those imposed on North Korea. That is, while the North Korea case may be viewed as a more serious threat to international security from the perspective of nuclear weapons development or proliferation, tougher sanctions have been placed on Iran. There are two approaches that South Korea should take in addressing the related issues. First, we should aim to reduce the gap between sanctions imposed on Iran and North Korea. It is difficult to understand that a country with more serious problems is rewarded with lighter sanctions. We should take measures through the Security Council Sanctions Committee to make individuals and groups in North Korea that play a central role in developing nuclear weapons and missiles subject to additional sanctions. Second, we have to change. Other countries in the international community have become tired of North Korea's nuclear issue and now they look to South Korea for initiative. We should correctly understand this current situation and play a leading role within our capacity. Knowingly and unknowingly, the notion that the North Korean nuclear issue may be left to South Korea has been spread around the international community. Although the situation is grave, we should try to open a new horizon in ushering in the unification era by taking the initiative with confidence that there is a looming hope ahead of us. For these tasks, we should stop thinking in the old way that has been ossified for the last two decades. We should not be pushed around by neighboring great powers in dealing with North Korea related issues anymore; we should take the initiative with resolution that we will play our role at the center of four great powers and with confidence that we can do it. Based on the confidence that the Republic of Korea has become a country with enough capacity to take the initiative, we should establish a 'National Grand Strategy' representing South Korea's strategic vision that the unification is the ultimate solution to the problems related to North Korea's nuclear weapons program.
This study deals with South Korea broadcasting reporters reporting North Korea issues focusing on KBS and MBC. More specifically, this study focuses on what kinds of broadcasting reporting restriction factors are in reporting North Korea issues in Korea. In order to achieve the goal of this study, this study attempted the depth-interview with six broadcasting reporters working on KBS and MBC. As study results, this study found out that Korean broadcasting reporters were sensitively influenced by public opinions concerned about a specific North Korea issue and political situations that a North Korea issue was positioned. In order to overcome such kinds of reporting restrictions in reporting North Korea issues, this study suggests that KBS and MBC needs more professional manpower dealing with North Korea issues and outside help such as civic social associations.
Journal of Agricultural Extension & Community Development
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v.10
no.2
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pp.153-166
/
2003
The objective of this study is to explore the situations and extension roles for rural elderly welfare program in North Dakota, USA. With a growing older population, aging has become an important issue for extension. Services for rural elderly available in North Dakota were adult day care, home health care, senior insurance counseling, nutrition and medication assistance programs, support groups, legal assistance, meals on wheels, nursing homes and more. With a growing older population, aging has become an important issue for extension. Extension provides programs and services for rural elderly. This study was conducted by literature review. First, many rural elderly Americans are actively engaged in volunteer work and have made substantial contributions to their communities. Second, extension educators from interdisciplinary areas should work together to develop programs. Extension programs can include intergenerational programs to help younger generations learn about the issue. Third, extension can collaborate with other agencies and groups to offer support groups. Offering educational programs is a key to empowering older people. Fourth, elderly residents may be the only increasing natural resource for volunteering in general, and for participation in community improvement in particular. Fifth, extension educators should be proactive in working with agencies to provide social access and in helping older people be actively engaged in their lives, especially in rural areas.
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