• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.10-20
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• 2023

Zhū Xī, the representative of Confucianism, and Báiyùchán, the representative of Taoism in the South Song Dynasty, showed different sense of appreciation and enjoyment on the same space that was Mountain Wǔyí in their ideologically cultural ways. Based on the temples Wŭyíjīngshè(武夷精舍) where Zhū Xī stayed and Zhĭzhĭān(止止庵) where Báiyùchán resided, this study revealed their lives in such temples to look into their appreciation on ideology and space. Then, based on the words 'YiBoEumYeong [移步吟詠]' shown on the poetry they chanted in relation with Wǔyíjiǔqū from its 1^st valley to its 9^th valley, this study examines their understanding of scenery and system of appreciation that appeared in dynamic ways to conclude: First, even same scenery shows different understanding of scenery and appreciation of space in accordance with the viewers' thinking ways of culture. Second, as the Confucianism and Taoism influenced in ideologically cultural ways to develop each other in the Song dynasty, they absorbed their merits each other to supplement shortcomings in their own. In this process, they made it clear that their own propositions were different between them in their essential meanings although they used common terms for such propositions. Third, as the Confucian master who compiled the Neo-Confucianism of the South Song dynasty, Zhū Xī regarded Wŭyíjīngshè and Wǔyíjiǔqū as a place of learning and a place of seeking the truth to go for 'being unified with nature' so that everyday life can be united with Tao of Li [理] everywhere beyond the limited appreciation of the scenery. That is, this thought works for 'recovery of nature of our own [復其性]', the learning goal of Confucianism, and is aimed to 'cultivate the essential nature of our own(性情涵養)' through such beautiful nature. Fourth, as the master of Keumdan family of the South Song Taoism, Báiyùchán regarded Zhĭzhĭān and Wǔyíjiǔqū as a Taoist temple that has a long history rooting from Taesangwon temple, a clean place of discipline to become a Taoist hermit through hard training. He, therefore, directly referred to Zhĭzhĭān and Wǔyíjiǔqū in relation with the Taoist legends remaining in Wǔyíjiǔqū such as hermits' dinners, female hermits, leaving the human world as a hermit and so on as ways for becoming a hermit so that he went for the level of perfectly going out of human world and becoming a hermit. He, therefore, defined Mountain Wǔyí as a world and universe of hermits where he himself too hovered between outside and inside of poetry literature as a hermit through the mood and attitude of keeping himself enjoying the scenery as a hermit.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.385-411
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• 2008

This thesis aims at examining his understandings about the The Great Learning centering on the of the founder of the YiYongHuSaeng School (利用厚生學派: A school who pursued prosperous economy and welfare of people) orthe BukHak School(北學派: A positive school that pursued mercantilism) from the Joseon Dynasty, Dam-Heon Hong Dae Yong (1731-1783). 1) From what is indicated in the , his studies mainly focused on the annotations from DaeHakJangGuDaeJeonJipJu ("大學章句大全集註": A book that edited different phrases from the Great Learning into chapters and paragraphs), Questioning of the Great Learning", and "JuJaUhRyu (朱子語類: A book of Confucian literature written by Yeo Jung Deok" of Zhu Xi who was a representative scholar of the Neo-Confucianism in the Song Dynasty. 2) Acknowledging entirely the arguing points of Zhu Xi, he is taking a critical position in a way that partial doubts are divided into seven chapters and questioned. 3) For the main characteristic and direction of the questioning, he is estimating that Zhu Xi only stressed the 'means' and 'interior' out of the world of 'means and ends' and 'interior and exterior' in Zhu Xi's recognizing and handling cases; instead, he emphasized putting equivalent value on the 'ends' and 'exterior' as well. 4) In fact, such questions raised partially were misconceived since they were not carried out through profound understanding nor systematic logic expansion of what Zhu Xi insisted. 5) Despite this, at the point where Neo-Confucian thoughts were fixed and weakened only with its form left in the late Joseon Dynasty, his perspective on the study of Confucian classics that the 'ends' and 'exterior' should be as equally valued as the 'means' and 'interior' by examining through the core text of the Neo-Confucianism, The Great Learning has its significance in his YiYongHuSaeng dogma that says politicians, by all means, should provide the ruled with economic convenience and welfare and this is their very right virtue.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.141-170
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• 2014

Science of gaining knowledge by the study of things[格物致知學]' is the translation of Science in Chosun age. Science of gaining knowledge by the study of things[格物致知學] which is the highest stage of new science is the symbol of the transfer of universal culture to the western modern civilization from old-fashioned confucianism. Modern western culture and the scientific way of thinking make man as a object to scientific research. Thinking method of social Darwinism made man believe to think like them as the modern method. And also such thinking method made man militarism and imperialism are right thinking and research methods. The core to think the science of gaining knowledge by the study of things[格 物致知學] as a violent thinking method is the Confucianism. By this method Park Eun-sik criticize this side of scientific technology as the means of militarism. Till now we pointed to think of the traditional philosophy as the tool of the western modern philosophy about war criminal. Now we rethink of the Confucianism asset as a tool of Korean Modern Culture. Musungmumul[無誠無 物] will offer moral basis to think humanism of the scientific technology of the modern western culture.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.251-292
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• 2009

In this thesis, the status of Pre-Chin Study of One Hundred Schools in the history of Korean thoughts, and in addition, the reception of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's ideology and the aspect of its development in Korea were examined. Moreover, the different understandings of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu and their trend of the times were summarized through the intellectuals' collection of works from the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty to 18-19 century. What was revealed through the study can be summed up as the followings. From the age of Three States to the middle part of Goryeo Dynasty, few intellectuals regarded other schools or philosophers among Study of One Hundred Schools as heresies and blamed them. However, since Mencius had been established as the legitimate classical scripture of Confucianism after the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty, other Pre-Chin philosophers including $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu had started to be regarded and criticized as heresies. Intellectuals of Goryeo Dynasty and the early Cho Sun Dynasty made various estimates on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's doctrine of the evilness of human nature, but we can see the understanding of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became deeper. In the heyday of Neo-Confucianism in Cho Sun Dynasty, the intensity of the criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu by intellectuals rather tended to decrease, compared to that of the early Cho Sun Dynasty, which produced contrary evidence that the world view of Sung Confucianism, based on Mencius' doctrine of the goodness of human nature, had been already established. Also, even the intellectuals criticizing the evilness of human nature positively quoted $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's other ideas in general. In 17th century, there were some arguments to conclude $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu as Legalism, but the general trend came to accept Study of One Hundred Schools constructively, challenging the authority of Sung Confucianism, or based on positive school. In 18th century, it can be confirmed that the understanding on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became broader, and particularly in the historical research of letters, $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's original texts and annotations were used in many ways. In short, the intellectuals' criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu in Cho Sun Dynasty was always grounded on his argument of the evilness of human nature, and furthermore, on connecting it to Legalism, related to the Fenshukengru. On the other hand, it can be said that they generally accepted other ideas of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu positively, except for the idea of the evilness of human nature. However, it's worth paying attention to the fact that those intellectuals who criticized $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu could easily meet with the books of Study of One Hundred Schools, and relatively had an open attitude in terms of knowledge.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.13 no.2 s.20
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• pp.15-25
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• 2007

Neo-Confucianism(性理學) which provided an ideological base to found Chosun Dynasty which substituted for Koryu Dynasty, presented In-Cheong(仁政) as ideal statecraft. In-Cheong(仁政) is realizing spirit of In(仁) which means a forever creating power(生生之心), for that reason it was a natural result that the ruling class of Chosun Dynasty had interest in medical science. Therefore they remarked 'In-Cheong(仁政) has achieved' when medical books were published, also remarked Hwal-In-Seo(活人署） as an institute of realizing Wang-Cheong(王政) while Hwal-In-Seo(活人署) was placed in very low civil service grade, although the ruling class classified medical science as a Chap-Hak(雜學) which means not essential but necessary knowledge, and ranked it much lower than Confucianism. While had improved medical service system of Korea Dynasty, Chosun Dynasty had special interest in local medicine: expanding provincal medical centers, educating a medical student(醫生) in a medical school who was core human power in local medicine, etc. Nevertheless the local medicine was still depressed. The reasons are ; not providing enough medical center, not much fund to run each center and mobilizing a medical student(醫生) for miscellaneous labor. Depressed local medicine had changed when 士族 came to have an interest in medical science. 士族 had read a lots of medical books from the early Chosun Dynasty. 16th century they even wrote some books on medicine by themselves based on their experience as a provincial governor.　On the other hand Yi-Mun-Geon(李文楗) who wrote Muk-Jae Diary belongs to the latter. He did not use the art of acupucture. He was a civil official in Seoul, so he could get a lots of books and enough medical stuffs. After a while. he was exiled in Seong-Ju(星州) and took part in local medicine there. The local medicine was depressed in Seong-Ju(星州) at that time. Yi-Mun-Geon(李文楗) was a kind of medical consultant as well as a local doctor. Such medical doings by Sa-Jok(士族) may be a moment that provide power to local Sa-Jok(士族). Sa-Jok(士族) themselves were enthusiastic in treating their sick slaves because the slaves were financial foundation of Sa-Jok(士族). After 17th century, however, the relative importance which Sa-Jok(士族) in the country had held in 16th century had decreased gradually while professional doctors bad increased.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.417-427
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• 2009

This article studies on the identity of Korean Culture and the direction of Korean culture contents. Our Korean society goes on to value-pluralism and cultural diversity. In this point, we need to confirm the identity of our Korean culture. And we meet with the crisis of Humanities. Humanities is the core of our culture. It is the key point to make identity of our Korean culture as cultural universality and to apply it to develop Korean culture contents for the revival of Humanities. The core contents of Korean culture lies in the ancient myth, the thought of Hwarang, Confucianism, Neo-Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism, the practical thought, thought of Yangmyeong study and the thought of East study and so on. On the basis of these thoughts, the core of Korean culture are humanity, harmony, the spirit of Punglyu, thought of life- esteem, ethics of environment etc. I suggest that we can apply our cultural core ideas those I analyzed above to develop Korean culture contents in the fields of cinema, music, cartoon, animation, game, character, digitalization, cultivation of experience programs of Korean culture etc. In addition, I suggest their commercial application like e-learning and culture contents education.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.35-63
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• 2018

The intellectuals of the Joseon Dynasty were Yangban Sadaebu who had knowledge based on Confucianism(Neo-Confucianism), enjoyed cultural powers by expressing their knowledge in words or writing, and entered government posts to guide society with such knowledge or included some pre-officials. Sisa(Poem Society) was a major place of knowledge transmission to acquire and impart knowledge of creating Chinese poems that traditional intellectuals of the Joseon Dynasty possessed. Seocheonmaehwasa(西泉梅花社) was a group of writers from the late Joseon Dynasty gathered together based on the commonality of kinship and political iniquity although they were different factions like Nam'in and Soron, and they enjoyed apricot blossoms and wrote poems there. Seocheonmaehwasa(西泉梅花社) was basically the meeting making poems. They improved their creative abilities with creating poems. Seocheonmaehwasa(西泉梅花社) was a major place of knowledge transmission to acquire and impart knowledge of creating Chinese poems that traditional intellectuals of the Joseon Dynasty possessed.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.371-393
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• 2018

Jeong Yak-yong attempted to establish a new philosophical system through the criticism on Neo-Confucianism. The most important area among the ideas of Dasan is on the ethical thoughts. He has a tremendous interest in the ethical education as well as ethical thought. During his exile, he gathered children around and educated them by editing "Jegyeong(弟經)". Dasan regarded "Sohak(小學)" to have some problems in educating children. Thus, he reconstructed the contents of "Sohak" and edited "Jegyeong". "Jegyeong" is more concise than Sohak and is a textbook focusing on children which is mainly composed of practical etiquette in the everyday life. It contains etiquettes to parents, teachers and adults, etiquettes on food in the everyday life and etiquettes between men and women. Although the contents does not exceed the scope of Sohak, he selected reasonable contents and composed with practical contents. Thus, it is practical. Dasan also attempted to make a novel interpretation on Saseo (四書), i.e., Noneo, Maengja, Daehak and Jungyong. His new interpretation on Saseo can be considered as ethical textbooks in a broad sense. Dasan considered the key ethical principle of Saseo (四書) to be Seo (恕). Accordingly, he thought it is very important to understand and practice ethical principle of Seo (恕). Dasan studied and annotated "Simgyeong(心經)" and "Sohak(小學)" for self moral discipline. And, he thought it is utmost important to understand and accept the existence of Sangje (上帝) in order to keep moral mind. He believed it to be important to have Gyesingonggu (戒愼恐懼), which is to aware and respect the existence of Sangje (god) for self discipline and Sindok (愼獨) to be cautious about things that only he was aware of. He thought that if people are aware of Sangje (上帝) and make dialog with Sangje, the will of Sangje could be expressed into Dosim (道心). In the ethical education, it can be said that, ultimately, the awareness on the absolute being is the most important point to Dasan.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.207-234
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• 2003

The purpose of this research paper is to study the characteristics of Huang Yunseok's sijo and it's implications for his poetic intentions. Huang Yunseok's sijo is didactic in its presentation of facts and ethical lessons. The two main facts it presents are royal favors and his clan's pride. Royal favors concern. for example, encouragement of the king, the king's birthday and deathday, and securing a government position by the king's order. His clan's pride concerns, for example, the geographically wonderful place of Huang Yunseok's ancestor's tomb, his ancestor's great conduct, his clan's beautiful tradition, his birth place, and his birth dream. The main content of the ethical lessons concerns cultivation of the human mind and practicing Confucian ethics. Examples of the former describe the purpose of Confucian study, the ethical doctrine that human being's inborn nature is good, the character of the human mind, and the method of cultivating the human mind. Examples of the latter describe the moral rules to govern the Five Human Relations, separation between husband and wife, and discrimination between males and females. The poetic intention of Huang Yunseok's sip consists of political and economic self-promotion and theoretical devotion to Confucian ideology. Proud of his educated, high Confucian clan, he tries to get self-promotion politically and economically by vowing loyalty to the king. He implies devotion to the Confucian ideology through his description of the practice of the Confucian moral rules, the clinging to traditional Neo-Confucianism, and his insistence on the Neo-Confucian theory that all human beings and animals are the same in their original nature. In conclusion, the didactic character of Huang Yunseok's sip stems from his intention to promote himself politically and economically and his theoretical devotion to Confucian ideology. The way of indicative expression originates from the didactic character of Huang Yunseok's sijo.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.37
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• pp.47-70
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• 2013

The purpose of this paper is to figure out T'oegye's philosophy and its characteristics in comparison with Zhuzi's. T'oegye is well-known as the representative of Neo-confucianism in Korea. But his posterior scholars and even contemporary scholars have various viewpoints about his philosophy. So they give him some different evaluation. After Zhuzi's death 300 years later, T'oegye has accepted Zhuzi's philopophical thoughts. In addition, he has added his own philosophical insights on them. First, he indicates concretely the metaphysical activity of li through lidong that Zhuzi has mentioned in some measure. Second, under the ontological aspect of li, he explains that Four beginnings come from li. It implies that li manifests and qi follows. Finally he points out lidao--i.e. li manifests itself, about wuge in his epistemology. Here we can say that whatever his metaphysics/the theory of mind and heart, and epistemology, the whole system of T'oegye's philosophy has its theoretical coherence. He has succeeded Zhuzi's philopophical thoughts thoroughly and furthermore developed Neo-confucian theory in East Asia that has not made before.