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Introduced Plant Pathogenes and Plant Quarantine in Korea (침입병원균(侵入病原菌)과 식물검역(植物檢疫))

  • Park, Jong-Seong
    • Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.121-134
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    • 1976
  • There are many evidences that vaiious plant pathogenes were introduced with imported plants and agricultural productsrfrom foreign countries and caused heavy losses of domestic economic plants, ever since the early twentieth century when our country began to trade plants and agricultural products with foreign countries. There are many ways that foreign plant pathogenes have been introduced into our country, but the main route is considered to be imported plants and agricultural products contaminated with plant pathogenes. Plant quarantine which prevent effectively introduction of plant pathogenes from abroad was practiced for the first time in our country in 1912, and that is relatively earlier activity in the history of plant quarantine of the world. Several plant pathogenes have been introduced into our country even after plant quarantine had been practiced. Particularly for about 15 years, from the 2nd World War to 1961 when the law of Plant Protection was enacted and practical works of plant quarantine was reoperated, Korean agriculture was opened to various foreign plant pathogenes as a lapse period of plant quarantine in our country. Introduced plant pathogenes are, for the most part, from Japan because of depending upon Japan in the foreign trade of plants and agricultural products of our country. As present plant quarantine is required more exactness and rapidness, reasonable organization of quarantine system including more trained quarantine specialists, modernized facilities and introduction of improved quarantine techniques are necessary. Reasonable organization and improvement of plant quarantine system are important not only for protection of korean agriculture to plant pathogenes possible to be introduced from foreing countries, but also for increasing and stabilization of export of plants and agricultural product of our country.

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A Study on Historicity of 《Three Purities Album (三淸帖)》 in the Kansong Art Museum (간송미술관 소장 《삼청첩(三淸帖)》의 역사성에 대한 고찰)

  • Baik, In-san
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.46 no.2
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    • pp.186-205
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    • 2013
  • ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ in the Kansong Art Museum is an album of poems and pictures of apricot tree, orchids and bamboos drawn by Lee Jeong. Given that the poems and pictures in the album were drawn by Lee Jeong who has been recognized as a person who established the standards of ink bamboo drawings in the Joseon Dynasty, the album is highly valuable. Nevertheless, there are more values and meanings that Three Purities Album has. The production circumstances and transmission processes of Three Purities Album include the historical characteristics and meanings of the time so that it is also worthwhile as a historical material. During the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, Lee Jeong was stabbed with a sword by Japanese invaders and got injured. After he suffered, he tried to make his masterpiece in his lifework and finally created Three Purities Album. For the work, Lee Jeong received memorial writings from Choi Rip, Cha Cheon-ro and Han Ho, and asked them writings. They were the best literary men in the poem and calligraphy fields at that time. Yu Geun, Lee An-nul, and Yu Mong-in made writings and poems to praise his work. Likewise, ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ is the 'treasure of the time' created through the participation of the best literary men at that time. Given the aspects, it is fair to say that ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ is not simply a personal artwork of Lee Jeong, but is a comprehensive artwork and also a cultural monument created through the skills and capabilities of the literary artists in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. After the death of Lee Jeong, Three Purities Album was handed over to Hong Ju-won. But, during the second Manchu Invasion into Korea in 1636, the album was in danger of disappearance by fire. As of now, there are still signs of fire in it, which vividly shows the urgent situation at that time. After the second Manchu Invasion into Korea in 1636, Hong Ju-won recovered some damaged writings with the help of Yoon Shin-ji. Since then, the album had been handed down as a family treasure over the next 7 generations. It can be found in the writings by Song Si-yeol and Uh Yu-bong. Unlike the literary men who praised Three Purities Album in terms of its work when Lee Joeng was alive, they focused on the transmission courses of the album and involved persons. That seems to be because the stories and characters appearing in Three Purities Album impressed the later literary men and were meaningful to them rather than the album itself. It strongly reflected the positions of Hong Jung-gi and Hung Sang-han who asked for writings as the descendants of Hong Ju-won. That is because the traces of the persons involved in Three Purities Album are the causes for admiring their ancestors and enhancing their political legitimacy and family dignity. Therefore, in this aspect, it is possible to witness the fundamental causes of the unique artistic awareness by East Asian people who consider their historical meanings as well as the aesthetic value of artworks significant. Unfortunately, during the Japanese invasion at the end of the Joseon Dynasty, Three Purities Album was handed over to Japanese Tzuboikouso. But, fortunately, Jeon Hyeong-pil who made an effort to regain our cultural assets by investing his entire property during the Japanese Imperialism regained the album, which is now preserved in the Kansong Art Museum. ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ truly includes the whole processes to overcome national crises that Korean people experienced during the Japanese Invasion in 1592, the second Manchu Invasion of Korea in 1636, and the Japanese Imperialism, and it shows the sufferings of our cultural assets and the history of preservation. Also, the album shows that one artwork is able to accumulate its historical meanings in the process of transmission and thus enhances its meanings and values. ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ features accumulative and constant historical meanings and it is a typical case showing that an artwork is plenty of aesthetic and historical values. It is expected that this work will contribute to promoting more studies on finding historical meanings and hysteresis of artworks.

A Study on the Sculptures from Donggwanwangmyo [East Shrine of King Guan Yu] (동관왕묘(東關王廟)의 조각상 연구)

  • Jang, Kyung-hee
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.46 no.3
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    • pp.94-113
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    • 2013
  • Donggwanwangmyo[East Shrine of King Guan Yu] is the shrine for General Guan Yu from the Shu Dynasty, China. This type of shrine was begun to be built from the Tang Dynasty in China and from 1598 in Korea when the Japanese invaded Korea for the $2^{nd}$ time. Donggwanwangmyo is historically significant because it was jointly constructed by China and Korea in the spring of 1602 after the end of Japanese invasion of Korea. However, almost no research has been conducted about the sculptures standing at Donggwanwangmyo and there are many mistakes concerning the names and materials of these sculptures. This study is conducted to resolve these issues as follows: First of all, it was found that the main building of Donggwanwangmyo enshrines those which were moved from the North Shrine of Guan Yu and the West Shrine of Guan Yu during the Japanese colonial rule of Korea in addition to what was initially placed in Donggwanwangmyo during construction. These relics are assorted and each line of them is displayed in the center and to the east or west of the building. Among the relics, seven sculptures are standing at the center of the main building, among which one sculpture of Guan Yu is made of gold and two sculptures of maids and four sculptures of guards are made of clay. It is particularly noted that the sculptures of Guan Yu and his guards, Guan Ping, Zhou Cang, Wang Fu, and Zhao Lei, represent the portraits of historical characters that actually existed. Moreover, the sculptures of guards are characterized by the fact that they are unlike those in China, but have two pairs of literary men and warriors that stand facing each other as is the case in the royal mausoleums constructed during the Joseon Dynasty. Second of all, the sculptures from Donggwanwangmyo were carved in 1602, but their costumes and equipment were derived from the paintings from the Tang and Song Dynasties. Some decorations from the Ming Dynasty are also reflected in the sculptures. It implies that Donggwanwangmyo was partially modeled after the Shrine of Emperor Guan Yu[Gwanjemyo] in Jiezhou which was rebuilt in 1593 by Emperor Sinjong of the Ming Dynasty and that the secular and dramatic patterns of the Qing Dynasty are prevalent in the said sculptures based on the patterns of the Ming Dynasty because all the sculptures at the Shrine in Jiezhou were constructed when the Qing Dynasty ruled between the $18^{th}$ and the $19^{th}$ Centuries. In conclusion, it was found that sculptures from Donggwanwangmyo were created in 1602, that they follow the ancient traditions attested by the paintings of Korean and Chinese sculptures, and that they are very valuable in art history since they retain the original forms of the Shrine of Guan Yu built during the Joseon and Ming Dynasties.

The Direction of Reformation on the Edibility of Dogmeat in Korea (한국의 개고기 식용 정책의 개선방향)

  • 안용근
    • The Korean Journal of Food And Nutrition
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    • v.16 no.1
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    • pp.72-83
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    • 2003
  • Korea has its long history and tradition of eating dogmeat as food, but dogmeat was excluded from the animal procession law because of the criticism from foreigners, so it is being distributed without inspection of government. Government rejects people's demand for the legalization of edibility of dogmeat due to the protest from a few animal right activist groups, but 80% of nationals favor edibility of dogmeat, and urge the legalization of dogmeat, while 20 lawmakers in legislature submitted the bill to legalize the edibility of dogmeat, and judicature ruled dogmeat is edible meat. Westerners' criticism on dogmeat is, in part, from real protection of animal, but rather their intention seems to be from the racism of colors, the purpose to increase the export amount of beef, to divert the attention of utilizing the abandoned pet dog as animal feed, and to raise a fund for the animal right activist groups. Government distorts the public opinion of edibility of dogmeat, making use of the related animal protection group, and the ministry of Agriculture and Forestry controlling over the animal protection law sides for the concerned groups opposing to the edibility of dogmeat, not for farmers. Furthermore, government has no intention of solving the problem of edibility of dogmeat and can't even propose the solution without presenting any adequate measure, worsening the situation. As a result, the issue of edibility of dogmeat is on the dead angle of sanitation, and wastes of dog slaughtering are polluting the environment. To solve this problem, it is necessary to legalize the edibility of dogmeat in order to distribute it sanitarily, to protect the environment, to increase tax revenues, and to secure the national pride. In addition, the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry should transfer the jurisdiction over the animal protection law to the Ministry of Environment, and government should execute a reliable policy on the bases of objective and accurate investigation and statistics. Also, it is needed not only to set up the exclusive public bureau to make the edibility of dogmeat known worldwide and research institute, but also to launch the non government organization under the auspices of government. Then dogmeat can become the world renowned food as that of representing Korea.

A Study on the Creation and Use of Nokgakseong and Underwater Wooden Fence (조선시대 녹각성과 수중목책의 조성 및 활용에 관한 연구)

  • SHIM Sunhui;KIM Choongsik
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.4
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    • pp.230-246
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    • 2023
  • The wooden fence(木柵), which began to appear in the Bronze Age and is presumed to be the oldest defense facility in human history, was used as a fortress for the purpose of further strengthening military defense functions until after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 in the Joseon Dynasty(壬辰倭亂). As it was established as the concept of a fortress or a fence installed outside a fence castle(城柵) or barracks fence(營柵), its importance as an essential facility for defense was further highlighted. This study is the result of exploring wooden fence that were used as official facilities during the Joseon Dynasty, focusing on literature surveys such as 『Annals of the Joseon Dynasty』 and 『New Jeungdonggukyeojiseungram』 In this study, in particular, the conclusion of this study is as follows, focusing on the use and function of Nokgakseong(鹿角城), underwater wooden fence, installation methods, and materials of wooden fences, is as follows. The conclusions of this study, which focused on the materials of the wooden fence, are as follows. First, as invasions by foreign enemies became more frequent in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Dynasty, wooden fences played a major role as a major out-of-castle defense facility((防禦施設). In addition, wooden fences were modified and installed into various types such as wooden fences(木柵城), Nokgakseong, a fence made up of large branches in the shape of a deer antler, and underwater wooden fences(水中木柵) according to the circumstances of the times, government policy, and location environment. Second, wooden fences were installed in strategic locations in defense facilities for military purposes, such as mountain fortress(山城), fortresses(營), camps(鎭), forts(堡), and castles(邑城) in strategic locations, and were used for defense in case of emergency. According to the urgency of farming, it was installed in accordance with the non-farming season, when it is easy to mobilize manpower to avoid the busy farming season. The size of the wooden fence of the Joseon Dynasty, which are confirmed through literature records, was converted into Pobaekchuk(布帛尺), and the circumference was very diverse from 4,428chuk(2,066m) to 55chuk(25m). Third, Nokgakseong is an efficient combat support facility that is more aggressive than a general wooden fence, and the records of Nokgakseong in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty appeared during the King Sejong period the record was 20 times, the most. By region, it was found that it was mainly installed in coastal rugged areas such as Pyeongan and Hamgildo(12), which are the 6-jin areas of the 4th Army. Fourth, in the early 15th century, as the royal court established a maritime defense strategy for the coastal area of the southern coast, after the Sampo Invasion(三浦倭亂), riots by Japanese settlers in Sampo in 1510, major military posts including eupseong(邑城), camps, and forts were established. The installation of underwater barriers around various government facilities rapidly increased as a defense facility to block the warships of Japanese pirates around various government facilities. Fifth, between the 15th and 17th centuries before and after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in Sampo, underwater fences were installed in the Southern coast and Ganghwa Island. In particular, in the 15th century, underwater fences were intensively installed in coastal areas of Gyeongsangnam-do, such as Jepo. Pine trees and Oaks are the main materials used for underwater fences, but other materials such as Oldham's meliosma, Loose-flower hornbeam and The vines of arrowroots were also used as materials for wooden fences.

A Study of the Japanese Colonial Era Rock-Carved Seated Avalokiteśvara Statue at Ganghwa Bomunsa Temple (일제강점기 강화 보문사 마애관음보살좌상 연구)

  • Lee, Jumin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.3
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    • pp.62-79
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    • 2020
  • The rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Ganghwa Bomunsa Temple is a giant rock-carved Buddhist statue that was built in 1928 during the Japanese colonial era. Although it is a year-recorded Buddhist statue that occupies a prominent place in modern Korean Buddhist sculpture history, it has not been the subject of in-depth discussion due to weak research on modern Buddhist sculptures. In this study, to examine the various significant aspects of the rock-carved Seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple as a modern Buddhist sculpture, I have managed to determine its construction year, artificers, and patrons by deciphering the inscription around the rock-carved statue; in addition I have researched the effects of the rock shapes and landforms on the formation of the Buddhist statue by comparing and analyzing the points of view of both artificers and worshipers. I have also identified the specific circumstances of the time of construction from interviews with the descendants of artificers. A monk from Geumgangsan Mountain, Lee Hwaeung, took the role of sponsor and chief painter to construct the rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa temple. In the beginning of its construction in 1928, more than 100 donators jointly sponsored the construction of the statue. Gansong Jeon Hyoungphil sponsored alone at the time of the place of worship's expansion in 1938. Bomunsa Temple has been regarded as one of the top-three sacred places of Avalokiteśvara Bodhisattva together with Naksansa Temple in Yang Yang and Boriam in Nam Hae, due to the construction of the rock-carved statue. It took about three months to construct the statue. Lee Hwaeung drew a rough sketch and then Un Songhag and five masons from Ganghwa Island took part in the carving process. We can observe the line drawing technique around the rock-carved statue because the statue was carved based on the rough sketch of the monk painter. The aspect of Lee Hwaeung as a painter is revealed; therefore, we can identify the clue of painting pattern leading to Seogongchulyou- Hwaunghyoungjin- Ilonghyegag. The rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple is a typical Avalokiteśvara that wears a jeweled crown and holds Kundica. It makes a strong impression as it has a big square-shaped face and a short neck and is unsophisticated in general. The artificers solved the issue of visual distortion of the rock-carved statue caused by carving on a 10-meter high and 40-degree sloping rock by controlling motion to its maximum, omitting detailed expression by emphasizing symmetry, and adjusting the head-to-body proportion to be almost one-to-one. In this study, especially, I presume the unified form of sacred sculptures and Buddhist altars, without making a Buddhist altar like the rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple, to be a key characteristic of modern Buddhist sculptures. Furthermore, I make newly clear that the six letters of Sanskrit carved on nimbus, which had been interpreted as a Six-Syllable Mantra, are a combination with Jeongbeopgye and Sabang Mantras. In addition, three iron rings driven on eaves rock were used as a reference point, and after construction they were used as a decoration for the Bodhisattva with hanging wind chimes.

The oldest Maehyang-bi (埋香碑) of Memorial Inscriptions existing on record; Yeong-am's 'Jeongwon (貞元)' Stone Monument (현존 최고(最古)의 매향비(埋香碑): 영암 정원명(貞元銘) 석비(石碑))

  • Sung, Yungil
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.54 no.1
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    • pp.70-99
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    • 2021
  • Yeong-am's 'Jeongwon (貞元)' stone monument, designated as the Jeollanam-do Cultural Heritage, is considered to be the oldest of the epigraphs in Jeollanam-do. Immediately after the discovery, the possibility of it being a Maehyangbi of Memorial Inscriptions was mentioned and attracted attention. However, there is an absolute age of the 'Jeongwon (貞元) of 2 years' (786), so despite it is a relatively early epigraph (金石文), there are not many papers on the theme related to this stone monument. I believe that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). While reviewing and comparing the results of the existing research, I decoded the text from the 42nd character of the 4th line. As a result of the review, that was conducted, it was confirmed that this stone monument is truly a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). In particular, it was recorded in the literature of the late Joseon Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) that the letters of the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) are not recognizable. However, it is clearly stated that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Although there is no common expression for 'bury (埋)' or 'incense burial (埋香)' in the traditional Maehyangbi (埋香碑), which were popular in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Periods, it can be seen that it is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) from the words "hide (呑藏)" and "10 bundles of fragrant incense (合香十束)" that are engraved on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon.' In other words, it is thought that it meant 'hide (呑藏)' instead of 'bury (埋)'. Circumstantial evidence for the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), built in 888, contains the an epigraph from the Unified Silla Era. There is a phrase on it that says 'Plant incense on the shore (海岸植香)' on the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), and it conveys its meaning without using the character 'bury (埋)'. As a result of the absence of the character 'bury (埋)' on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon', it is not considered as a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). However, there is evidence that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is in fact a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) and it is also in the Geumpyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone) around Gukjangsaeng (國長生) and at the entrance of Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺). The letters written on the gold sign suggest the possibility that the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) at the royal tombs of King Jeongjo (正祖) was produced around at Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺) in Wolchulsan (月出山). Since the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) is naturally related to incense (香), it has been shown that the area around Wolchulsan, where Dogapsa Temple is located, has a long history related to incense (香). The letters visible on the stone monument, the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) in the late Joseon Dynasty, and the letters on the Geompyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone), all show that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Considering the fact that the earliest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in existence is the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in Yeongam (靈巖) Ippam-ri (笠巖里), which has two dates from 1371 at the end of Goryeo and 1410 at the beginning of Joseon, the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon' which was set up in 786, would be the oldest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) that we know of. In addition, there is a historical significance in that the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) is proven in the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記), a document from the late Joseon period.

The Landscape Value of Asan Oeam-ri's Folk Village as Cultural Heritage (아산 외암마을 토속경관의 문화유산적 가치)

  • Shin, Sang Sup
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.44 no.1
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    • pp.30-51
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    • 2011
  • During the process of modernization, many rural villages in Korea have experienced degeneration and breakdown, losing sustainability. However, Oeam village in Asan City, South Chungcheong Province (State-designated cultural heritage, Important Folk Material No. 236) has established itself as a unique folk village, which evolves with sustainability, pursuing the revival of Neo-traditionalism. Oeam village is a tribal village of the Yis from the Yean region and has maintained environmental, economic, and social sustainability and soundness for over five centuries. Thus, the village has sustained itself well enough to be a cultural asset with 'Outstanding Universal Value', in terms of its value as world cultural heritage. The village maintains its own identity, filled with a variety of traditional and scenic cultural assets that symbolize a gentry village. Those assets include Confucian sceneries (head family houses, ancestral shrines, tombs, gravestones, commemorative monuments, and pavilions), various assets of folk religion (totem poles, protective trees at the entrance of a village, shrines for mountain spirits, village forests), tangible and intangible cultural assets related to daily lives (vigorous family activities, rigorous ancestral rituals, family rituals, collective agriculture and protection of ecosystem), which have all been well preserved and inherited. In particular, this village is an example of a well-being community with a well-preserved folksy atmosphere, which is based on environmentally sound settlements (nature + economy + environment + community) in a village established according to geomancy, East Asia's unique principle of environmental design. In addition, the village has kept the sustainability and authenticity for more than 500 years, combining restraint towards the environment and the view of the environment which respects the natural order and cultural values (capacity + healthy + sustainability). Therefore, the Oeam folk village can be a representative example of a folksy and scenic Korean community which falls into the category of IV (to exemplify an outstanding type of building, architectural or technological ensemble, or landscape which illustrates significant stages in human history) and V (to exemplify an outstanding traditional human settlement, land-use, or sea-use which is representative of cultures, or human interaction with the environment especially when it has become vulnerable under the impact of irreversible change) of Unesco's World Cultural Heritage.

A Study on the Sketch of Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple (수타사 삼신불괘불도(三身佛掛佛圖) 초본(草本) 연구)

  • Kim, Chang Kyun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.42 no.4
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    • pp.112-131
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    • 2009
  • The Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple at Hongcheon-gun, Gangwon-do draws attention as it was painted not on flax but on paper, and used the water color painting technique on the sketch rather than the deep color painting technique, which is most common in Buddhist paintings created during the Chosun Dynasty. Nevertheless, there is not any information on the creation of the Trikaya Banner Painting in the painting record on the painting, in Sutasasajeok(壽陀寺史蹟), or in Sutasagogirok(壽陀寺古記錄), so it is uncertain when the painting was created. Furthermore, because it was not drawn by the deep color painting technique, it has been difficult to compare it with other banner paintings. For these reasons, the Trikaya Banner Painting has been studied little except brief introduction. In recent preservation treatment that removed multiple-layered paper from the back of the painting, however, an inked inscription written on Korean paper 118cm high and 87.5cm wide was discovered on the back. It is a kind of placard notifying a number of acts prohibited in order to follow Buddha's teachings correctly, and was found to have been written on April 15, 1690. The inked inscription is a very valuable material for estimating the creation date of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting, and provides crucial clues for approaching the contents and nature of the painting more precisely. When the image, form, and style of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting were examined and its creation date was estimated based on the inked inscription, first, the painting is presumed to have been created in around 1690 as suggested by 'the placard' attached on the back instead of a painting record. Second, the painting is highly likely to be the first standing Trikaya banner painting showing the basic icons of Trikaya banner paintings in the Chosun Dynasty since the Trikaya Banner Painting in the Gap-sa Temple in Gongju (1650). Furthermore, considering the shape of the Trikaya in the painting, screen composition, background treatment, solemn and affectionate facial expression, harmonious and adequate body proportion, etc., the painting is believed to have had a considerable influence not only on Trikaya banner paintings of similar style in the 18thcentury but also on deep-color Trikaya banner paintings in the 19thcentury. Third, although the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting is not acompleted work but a sketch, it exhibits the typical water color painting technique in which the strokes are clearly visible. Thus, it is considered highly valuable in understanding and analyzing stroke styles and in studying the history of Buddhist paintings. As there are not many extant banner paintings of the same style in form and expression technique as the Suta-sa Temple Trikaya Banner Painting, this study could not make thorough comparative analysis of the work, but still it is meaningful in that it laid the ground for research on standing Trikaya banner paintings in the 18thand 19thcenturies in the Chosun Dynasty.

A study on the structure of the Three storied Stone pagoda in Gameunsa Temple site (감은사지 삼층석탑 구조)

  • Nam, si-jin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.38
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    • pp.329-358
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    • 2005
  • The Three storied Stone pagoda in Gameunsa Temple site, one of the early staged stone pagodas, has been known as a standard for Silla stone pagodas. A stone pagoda is not only a stone art work and but also a stone structure. Most studies and investigation of the stone pagoda has done mainly based on style and chronological research according to an art historical view. However, there is not an attempt to research the stone pagoda as a stone architecture. Most Korean experts at the stone pagoda has art history in their background. Engineers who can understand the structure of the stone pagoda are very limited. More architectural and engineering approach is need to research not only art historial understanding but also safety as a structure. We can find many technical know-how from our ancestors who made stone pagodas. 1. To reduce any deformation such as relaxation and sinking of BuJae which is caused by a heavy load, the BuJae (consist of a foundation stone and lower stereobates) should be enlarged. 2. A special construction method for connection between Myonsuk and Tangjoo was invented. This unique method is not used any longer after the Three storied Stone pagoda in Gameunsa Temple site. 3. The upper BuJae and the lower BuJae are missed each other by making a difference of Okgaesuk and Okgaebatchim in size. It is done for a distribution of perpendicular load and a prevention for relaxation of BuJae. 4. The center of gravity in the BuJae is located to the center of the stone pagoda by trimming the upper surface of the Okgaebatchim into a convex shape. The man who made stone pagodas had excellent knowledge on the engineering and techniques to understand the structure of the stone pagodas. We can confirm it as follows: the enlarged BuJae, dislocated connection between upper Bujae and lower BuJae, and moving the center of gravity close to the center of the stone pagoda.