• Strategy21
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• 통권43호
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• pp.225-247
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to find out a significant influence of continental strategy theories on the development of maritime strategy theories. For this purpose, I examined similar and different parts of each theories and their implications when applied to different environment. In details, Chapter 2 deals with how continental strategy and maritime strategy theories are similar and different in general. In Chapter 3, I look into how Karl Clausewitz's theory that has been quoted the most by military strategy theorists had influenced over the theory of Julian Corbett, one of the representative English maritime strategy theorists. In Chapter 4, I study how the theory of Alfred Mahan that has also been quoted the most among the theories of maritime strategy had been influenced by Antoine-Henri Jomini's theory. And in Chapter 5, their contemporary implications and conclusions are drawn. According to my findings, unbelievably, the theories of maritime strategy had been influenced by existing continental strategy theories very much. Many similarities are found between them. However, at the same time, a large part of them is found significantly different from original ones especially when used to reflect the maritime distinctiveness. This means that the past maritime strategy theories and stored experience also wield influence, in many ways, yielding out much better ones in terms of applicability to changing environment. Therefore, devising new strategies with creative attitude using knowledges and experiences from both other fields and past ones is the virtue required for maritime strategists.

• Strategy21
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• 통권40호
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• pp.162-189
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• 2016

This research deals with the PLAN's capabilities and its implication for regional security, and suggests some measures for maritime security cooperation among regional states. China has began to focus its national strategy more on 'rising as a new maritime power' since the 18th Party Convention in November 2012. Chinese new strategy aims at building a strong navy, contributing economic prosperity and national security, and thus elevating its prestige in international society. Most of all, building a strong navy is the foremost task at this time, and that is why the PLAN has the priority for military modernization. Chinese new maritime strategy could cause naval arms race in East Asia and aggravate maritime territorial disputes among concerned parties. It is the time for regional states to discuss some measures to build confidence, such as arms control of naval weapons, establishment of multilateral maritime security mechanism, and foundation of regional security regime, thus enhancing regional maritime cooperation.

• Strategy21
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• 통권44호
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• pp.142-176
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• 2018

So far, the main threat to South Korea was North Korea. That is why South Korea established a strategy based on the threat of North Korea and most of the budget on defense was used to deter North Korea. Even though the neighboring countries(China, Japan, and Russia) are growing as a real threat with abilities and intentions based on their powerful naval forces, South Korea has not yet been able to establish a strategy that regards neighboring countries as a threat. But the decades-old structural mechanism of the Korean security environment is undergoing a radical change on April 27, 2018, through the South-North summit and the Panmunjom Declaration. Under the changing security environment, South Korea was placed in a complicated dilemma that had to deal with threats of two axes(China), three axes(China, Japan), and four axes(Japan, Russia). If the one axis threat(North Korea) is dominated by land threats, the second, third and fourth axis threats are threats from the sea. This paper analyzed the maritime strategy of Korea within the framework of maritime-geopolitics, in other words recognition and expansion of the sphere of maritime. I have designed that the maritime defense space that we can deny from threats is divided into three lines of defense: 1 line (radius 3,000km), 2 lines (2,000km), and 3 lines (1,000km). The three defense zones of the three lines were defined as an active defense(1 line), defensive offense(2 line), active offense(3 line). The three defense zones of the three lines were defined as the sphere of core maritime, As a power to deny the sphere of core maritime, it was analyzed as a maneuvering unit, a nuclear-powered submarine, the establishment of missile strategy, and the fortification of islands station. The marine strategy of South Korea with these concepts and means was defined as 'Offensive Maritime Denial Strategy'.

• Strategy21
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• 통권36호
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• pp.121-149
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• 2015

This paper will examine some past and current issues concerning the Republic of Korea's national strategy, focusing predominantly upon how the ROK should respond to the urgent maritime-oriented strategy highlighted by the recent developments and achievements of national prosperity achieved during last three decades and identify some of successful cases in East Asia. Some consideration will also be given to more general emergent issues of trends and developments of East Asian countries which might affect to define the ROK's future national strategy in the context of its national grand strategy to enhance national interests and prosperity. ROK is especially dependent upon open Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOC) and its national security emphasizes the sea as the medium of geopolitical and geo-economic development, given the sea known as core geographic option remains that ROK is an important maritime power, ranking the world-level nation in term of GDP, sea-borne trade, container processing capability, shipbuilding capacity and so on. It should be apparent, therefore, that ROK's national strategic development depends upon the relationship between its peninsula geography and its national development based on sea-borne economic growth and its maritime-oriented future national strategy will be the best option to maintain its national development and economic prosperity.

• Strategy21
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• 통권45호
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• pp.148-187
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• 2019

본 논문은 '국가해양안보전략서'의 필요성과 발전방향을 분석하기 위한 것이다. 이를 위해 한국의 해양안보전략서의 필요성, 해양안보전략관련 한국의 실태와 주요선진해양국의 사례, 한국의 '해양안보전략'의 비전·목표·전략·수행체계를 살펴본 후 결론을 도출해본 것이다. '세계 5대 해양강국(Ocean G5)' 등과 같은 국가해양전략 비전의 달성은 우리나라가 국민의 해양안전과 해양안보를 유지·강화해 나갈 수 있을 때 가능함은 물론이다. 세월호사건은 우리에게도 해양선진국처럼 '국가해양안보전략서'가 절실히 필요하다는 것을 잘 일깨워주고 있다. 선진해양국가처럼 국가해양안보전략이 효율적으로 수행되기 위해서는 해군·해경의 협력을 포함한 관련기관의 협력을 결집시키기에 충분한 권한과 위상을 보유한 전담부서를 두어야 한다. 국가안보회의 예하에 장관급으로 구성된 의결기구인 가칭 해양안보위원회와 관련부처 실무자로 구성된 집행기구인 가칭 해양안보수행단을 설치하면 좋을 것으로 판단된다. 미국이나 영국처럼 우리도 국민의 해양안전·해양안보를 위한 국가해양안보전략을 성공적으로 수행해 나가기 위해서는 보다 더 긴밀한 국내의 범정부적 협조체제와 국제적 협력체제, 그리고 해당 분야별 해양안보능력을 더욱 보강해 나가야 할 것이다. 이를 위해 해군에 의한 해양안보전략의 수립·추진; 해군·해경 간의 작전적 연계강화; 국가차원의 해양감시능력의 강화 및 민간영역과의 공유의 활성화 등을 모색·추진해 나가야 할 것이다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권40호
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• pp.5-36
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• 2016

Recently, the Japanese government revised the three guidelines of its security policy, the National Security Strategy(NSS), the National Defense Program Outline and Midterm Defense Buildup Plan, exceptionally at one time. This means Japan has been seeking the new strategy and strengthening military power considering changing regional security environment. Moreover, Japan revised the security laws for the right to collective self-defense, which authorized the use of force even when Japan is not under attack. Also, Japan renewed the Guidelines for Japan-U.S. Defense Cooperation in twenty years, and has expanded JSDF's scope of activity to a worldwide level. These changes imply Japan would constantly seek to build military forces focusing on naval forces. Because Japan's naval forces, the JMSDF is the means that allow Japan to use its force at anywhere overseas and expand its roles and missions in international society by the basis of the right to collective self-defense. This research will analyze Japan's new maritime strategy and trend of force development and eventually look for the implication on our maritime security These days, Japan has perceived Chinese rapid increase of naval power and pursuing of maritime hegemony as a grave threat. In response to this, Japan is designing new maritime strategy, which are "remote islands defense and recapture" and proactively develop a new type of naval forces to accomplish this new strategy. The Japan's "remote island defense and recapture strategy" is to harden its defensive posture in Nansei islands which correspond to China's 1st island chain for chinese A2/AD strategy and directly encounter with China and to protect its own dominium and maritime interest while supporting US national strategy in East Asia. Japan continues to build compact, multi-functional ship to accomplish "remote island defense and recapture strategy" and keep strengthening its maritime power projection capability to include build of new amphibious ship, and large, multi-functional ship which can provide effective C2. These changes imply that Japan is shifting its strategy from passive and defensive to proactive and aggressive way and continues to pursue naval buildup.The implication of Japan's new maritime strategy and naval buildup needs to be observed carefully and we need to keep developing naval power required to protect our maritime sovereignty and interest.

• Strategy21
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• 통권45호
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• pp.33-59
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• 2019

본 논문의 목적은 최근 중국의 해양안보전략의 수단과 실행방법, 그 특징을 구체적으로 분석하는 것이다. 중국은 급격한 경제성장 및 강화된 군사력을 바탕으로 '해양강국 건설'이라는 국가목표를 설정하고 이를 달성하기 위해 노력하고 있다. 특히 해양강국을 뒷받침하기 위해 자국의 해양영토주권 수호, 배타적 해양권익 확보 등을 중점적으로 추진하고 있다. 이러한 목표 아래 추진되고 있는 중국의 해양안보전략은 그 수단과 방법 면에서 과거와는 많은 차이를 보인다. 과거 해양안보전략의 주 구현 수단이 해군이었다면 현재는 해군 뿐 아니라 준군사력이 해경과 예비전력인 해상민병도 적극 참여하고 있다. 또한 과거에는 해양에서 전면적인 무력행동을 통해 전략적 목표를 달성하려 했지만 최근은 직접적 충돌 보다는 살라미 자르기 전략, 회색지대전략 및 양배추 전략 등의 전면적 전쟁까지는 이르지 않는 분쟁 수준의 통제를 통해 자신들의 목적을 달성하려 하고 있다. 이러한 중국의 해양안보전략 추구에 대응하여 한국은 적절한 대응방안을 모색할 필요가 있다. 먼저 서해에서의 해군력 현시를 강화해야 하며, 전면전이 아닌 중강도 분쟁에 대비한 전력을 발전시켜야 한다. 또한 회색지대전략, 양배추 전략 등을 활용한 중국의 공세적 해양활동에 효과적으로 대응하기 위해 '해양전장 선점 전략'개념을 발전시킬 필요가 있다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권31호
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• pp.220-250
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• 2013

South Korean national security strategy should be developed to effectively handle and counter increasing maritime threats and challenges. There are three major maritime threats South Korea faces today; maritime disputes on the EEZ boundary and Dokdo islet issues, North Korean threats, and international maritime security. Maritime disputes in the region are getting intensified and turned into a military confrontation after 2010. Now regional countries confront each other with military and police forces and use economic leverage to coerce the others. They are very eager to create advantageous de facto situations to legitimize their territorial claims. North Korean threat is also increasing in the sea as we witnessed in the Cheonan incident and Yeonpyoung shelling in 2010. North Korea resorts to local provocations and nuclear threats to coerce South Korea in which it may enjoy asymmetric advantages. The NLL area of the west sea would be a main hot spot that North Korea may continue to make a local provocation. Also, South Korean national economy is heavily dependent upon foreign trade and national strategic resources such as oil are all imported. Without an assurance on the safety of sea routes, these economic activities cannot be maintained and expanded. This paper argues that South Korea should make national maritime strategy and enhance the strength of naval forces. As a middle power, its national security strategy needs to consider all the threats and challenges not only from North Korea but also to maritime security. This is not a matter of choice but a mandate for national survival and prosperity. This paper discusses the importance of maritime security, changing characteristics of maritime threats and challenges, regional maritime disputes and its threat to South Korea's security, and South Korea's future security strategy and ways to enhance the role of naval forces. Our national maritime strategy needs to show middle and long term policy directions on how we will protect our maritime interests. Especially, it is important to build proper naval might to carry out all the roles and missions required to the military.

• 해양안보
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• 제8권1호
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• pp.1-39
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• 2024

본 연구는 현재까지 중국의 해양 회색지대 전략에 관한 국내 연구들이 기존 미국 주도의 회색지대 연구의 분석 결과를 답습하고 있으며, 대응책에 관해서도 원론적 입장과 방향만이 제시된 '선언적·개념적' 수준에 머물러 있다는 문제의식에서 시작되었다. 필자는 위 문제점 극복을 위해 중국은 자국 고유의 전략문화를 구성하는 '삼전'을 기반으로 해양 회색지대 전략을 전개한다는 인식 하에 남중국해, 동중국해, 그리고 서해와 이어도 일대에서 전개 중인 해양 회색지대 전략을 삼전의 영역별로 분석하였다. 분석결과 추후 서해와 이어도 일대를 차지하기 위해 중국의 해양 회색지대 전략은 보다 공세성을 띌 것으로 예측되며, 우리해군 대응전략 개념으로 『중국 해양 회색지대 전략의 기반인 '삼전'의 전개 효과를 '무력화'시켜 중국이 유도하는 점진적인 현상 변화를 멈추게 하고, 규범·규칙에 기반한 해양질서로 '환원'을 지속적으로 추구』를 제시하였다. 그리고 대응전략의 개념을 이행할 수 있는 '구체화·체계화'된 대응책을 본 연구에서 제시하였다.

• 한국항해항만학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국항해항만학회 2013년도 춘계학술대회
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• pp.233-235
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• 2013

Women represent only 1 and 2 percent of the 1.25million maritime officers in the world. Despite the slight increase of female maritime officers, there are few studies concerning them indicating that there has been insufficient progress especially on merchant ships. This study refers to the data from carried out 173 female students in Korea Maritime University and suggests the strategy of vitalization for female maritime officers using AHP and SWOT analysis.