• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.330-355
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• 2024

There are two main perspectives in Korea on Korean cultural heritage located overseas: one views it as items that need to be repatriated since they were scattered abroad under unfortunate historical circumstances. The other considers them as a means to more widely promote Korea's culture and long history. A shift in perspective has gradually been taking place in the decades since Korea's liberation from Japanese colonial rule in 1945. This can be noted through three major types of exhibitions. The first type is exhibitions of repatriated cultural heritage that showcase items that were illegally removed from the country but later returned or otherwise acquired through purchase or donation. The Special Exhibition of Returned Cultural Heritage, which was held in 1966 on the occasion of the normalization of diplomatic relations between the Republic of Korea and Japan, emphasized the legitimacy of reclaiming cultural properties that were illegally removed from Korea during the period of Japanese colonial rule. Around the 1990s, special exhibitions of private donations were held, which also highlighted the legitimacy of repatriation. The special exhibition of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe (Royal Protocols of the Joseon Dynasty from the Outer Royal Library) held in 2011 was seen as an opportunity to raise public interest in repatriation, heal the wounds of history, and restore the nation's cultural pride. The second type of exhibition involves borrowing and displaying overseas Korean cultural heritage in accordance with a theme as a means to reenergize and provide a comprehensive view of Korean culture. The exhibitions National Treasures from the Goryeo Dynasty in 1995 and National Treasures from the Early Joseon Dynasty in 1997 (both held at the Hoam Museum of Art) and the Masterpieces of Goryeo Buddhist Painting held at the National Museum of Korea in 2010 underscored the importance of overseas Korean cultural heritage for exploring Korean cultural history. The third type is special exhibitions on the history of the collection of Korean cultural heritage. With Korea's economic growth in the 1980s and the increase in exhibitions and the number of galleries featuring Korean cultural heritage in overseas museums in the 1990s, interest in the history of acquisition also grew. Exhibitions like The Korean Collection of the Peabody Essex Museum in 1994 and Korean Art from the United States in 2012 introduced overseas galleries focused on Korean art and the diverse history of collecting Korean cultural properties. They also examined the perception of Korean art in the United States. These efforts heightened public interest in establishing and supporting Korean galleries abroad. The initiation of more systematic surveys and research on Korean cultural heritage located abroad and the contribution of overseas Korean cultural heritage to the enhancement of the local understanding and promotion of Korean culture have resulted in changes to the perception of overseas Korean cultural heritage in Korea.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.2 s.119
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• pp.258-279
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• 2007

Culture and art are emerging as main components in the creative economy to enhance the competitiveness of urban centres in the global market by nurturing cultural or artistic industries. A range of research exists which investigates the role of artists and art museums in the process of urban regeneration in Northern American and Western European countries. Yet research into the geography of at galleries acting as an intermediary between art works and cultural consumers remain rare. Empirical research on gentrification and urban regeneration and their connection with spaces for cultural consumption in Asian cities is even less common. The aim of this paper is to show the rise and decline of art galleries in Seoul and the way that this reflects urban development process, historically specific conditions and the characteristics of artists' communities. The background of the locational agglomeration of an galleries is examined in connection with the human ecology of artists, art business and its implication for the global market. The location of art galleries in Seoul seems to be affected by commercial art business and public policy, rather than by artists communities embedded in local areas. The location dynamics of art gallery clusters in Seoul is examined in the context of rent increases, changes of consumers' taste and fluctuating market cycles.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.38
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• pp.225-264
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• 2013

The Purpose of this study is to analyze an active discussion in North America about the issue of community archives governance which mainly focused on 'participatory archives' model and from it, draws implications for the present stage of domestic community archives development. Traditionally in the United States and Canada, local community archives have been built mostly by mainstream cultural institutions such as public archives, public libraries, museums, and historical societies as a part of comprehensive documentation of the society at large. At the same time, they have been processed and managed in accordance with the institution's collection development policy. As a result, most community archives in North America are characterized as top-down community archives model (in contrast with down-up model of 'independent' community archives as a part of grass roots movement in the UK). Recently, the community archives in North America with these characteristics try to overcome their limitations, which result in 'the others' of community archives, through governance, that is, community-institution partnership. Participatory archives model which assumes active community participation in all archives processes is being suggested by archival communities as the effective alternative of governance model of top-down community archives. This discussion of community archives governance suggests progressive direction for the present stage of domestic community archives, which has been built mostly by various mainstream cultural institutions and still has been stayed in 'about the community' stage. Particularly, community outreach strategies that participatory archives model concretely suggests are useful as a conceptual framework in building community archives based on community-institution partnership in reality.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.32
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• pp.3-44
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• 2012

The purpose of the study is to explore the strategies to build participatory digital archives for documenting localities. Following the introduction of the chapter one, the chapter two deals with categorizing participation types of persons and organizations for documenting localities, analysing characteristics and benefits of each type, and listing up the requirements of participatory archives based on literature reviews. The chapter three focuses on the analyses of digital archives especially based on the participation of organizations such as collecting institutions and community archives in USA, Canada and UK. The cases of participatory archives are divided into two types; i) digital archives based on archival collections of institutions such as libraries, archives, and museums, ii) digital archives mainly based on various community archives. Online Archives California(OAC) and Calisphere of University of California, MemoryBC of British Columbia of Canada, and People's Collection Wales of UK as the first type cases, and Connecting Histories of Birmingham, 'Community Archives Wales(CAW), Cambridgeshire Community Archive Network(CCAN), Norfolk Community Archives Network(NORCAN) as the second type cases are selected for comparative analyses. All these cases can be considered as archival portals since they cover collections from various organizations. This study then evaluates how these digital archives fulfill the requirements of participatory archives such as : i) integrated search of archives that are to be distributed, ii) participation of individuals and organizations, and iii) providing broader contextual information and representation of context as well as contents of archives. Lastly the final chapter suggests the implications for building participatory archives in Korean local areas based on following aspects : host organizations and implementation strategy, networks of collection institutions and community archives, preserving and reorganizing contextual information, selection and appraisal, and participation of records users and creators.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.54
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• pp.9-42
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• 2017

It is as necessary as ever to make constant efforts to overcome the regional strife between the eastern and western parts of Korea and come to a mutual understanding. To achieve this, we must endeavor to correct Korean people's distorted understanding of the history of Korean philosophical thoughts. Ordinary Koreans commonly and mistakenly associate the academic circles of Korean Neo-Confucianism with certain regions by which to divide them into Giho School and Yongnam School and then go as far as associating the schools and parties and pegging them 'Namin'(南人) to refer to as the followers of Yongnam School and 'Seoin'(西人) as the followers of Giho School. Such false notions must be corrected. During the reign of King Seonjo, political factions of Joseon were split into Yongnam and Giho, or East and West. At the time, the two cardinal directions East and West were only used to refer to the eastern and western parts of Seoul, and not Yeongnam(East) and Giho(West) of the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, the factional split at the time has nothing to do with regional cleavages. In fact, a majority of scholars representing Korean Neo-Confucianism maintained a friendly relationship regardless of the school, party, and region. Many leading scholars in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty namely Jo Sik(曺植)/Seong Woon(成運), Lee Hwang(李滉)/Ki DeaSeung(奇大升), Lee Hwang(李滉)/Lee Yi(李珥), Noh Susin (盧守愼)/Lee Yi, the ones in the late Joseon Dynasty -Jeong Gyeong Se(鄭經 世)/Kim Jang-Saeng(金長生), Jeong Gyeong Se(鄭經世)/Song Joon Gil(宋浚吉), and also those at the end of the Joseon Dynasty such as Kwak JongSeok(郭鍾錫) and Kim BokHan(金福漢) deeply respected each other and had a close friendship rooted in their academic commitment. The friendship between the leaders of Giho and Yongnam is a testimony to the high level of their character, academic achievement, and intellect. More than ever, such intangible intellectual and cultural resources drawn from Korean tradition must be utilized to the fullest. From this point on, we need to further promote the friendship and mutual understanding the scholars of Yongnam(Gyeongsang-do), Gyeonggi, Honam (Jeolla-do), and Hoseo(Chungcheong-do) enjoyed, and use them as a cognitive basis for harmony between the eastern and western parts of the country. These invaluable assets can be specifically used in the promotion of exchange between the local autonomous governments of the regions where above-mentioned scholars built an amicable relationship, joint commemorative events, exchange between families of the scholars of both regions, opening of special exhibitions dedicated to the harmony between Yongnam and Giho at museums in the two regions, co-organization of local festivals, joint operation of culture programs, and relationship and exchange between the 'seowons' in both regions, through which to promote the long history of exchange between the scholars of the past and utilize it in joint projects.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.7
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• pp.37-64
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• 2009

The theories of Korean Public Art originated by the artists who were against dictatorship and they associated with democratic politicians. They criticized the Fine art that were supported by the dictatorship and gave their efforts for restoration of 'resistance paintings(against dictatorship)', 'proletarian painting', 'realism painting'. In addition, they participated new social ideology(democracy) movement and demonstrated for their rights in arts. These became the main kernel the public art theory was initiated. The public artists splitted into several different parts and participated in the democratic social movement as well as the art movement for freedom. They opened various art exhibitions within different genre, diverse space for various art section such as an exhibition hall, a factories, a university, or a congregation square. Furthermore, the public art theorists published their divergent views through newspaper/broadcasting or unauthorized printed materials. Most of the public artist and the theorists kept their relationship strongly until 1985, the time when 'National Arts Association' started. In 1983 and 1984, they were clearly separated into two parts; artists(move only in art museums) and activists(move in public spaces like school, convention square etc). Their ideological separation also took out national problems. The division; professional artists and armatures, became the social issue as a social stratification matter. And in creating method, there are also other conflicts; critical realism, and public realism as well as western painting and traditional one. These kinds of separation and conflicts made different Public artists associations, under divergent names; 'Reality and Speak'(R&S), 'KwangJu Art Association', 'Durung', 'Dang(Land)', and 'Local Youth Students Association'. In addition, their ideology and pursuit toward art movements were very difference. However, the differences and conflicts weakened When the oppression of democratic education from new dictatorship(Pres. Jun, Doo Hwan) came out. In August. 1985 the government opened to the public so called, 'The draft of School stabilization law'(Hankwon Anjung Bup) to control the teachers' rights and that initiated bigger street demonstration and conflicts between police and educators. In November.1985, assembly meeting of National Arts Association in democracy opened as 'ONE' combined organization. In this presentation, I'd like to summarize the stream of art movement until 1984, and clarify the main art theories that lead the Public Art Movements in 1980s. The main theories in 1980s are crucial because they become the origin of public art theories. This presentation started with O,youn's "Hyunsil Dong In the first declaration" and explained the absent of practice in 1970s. In addition, Won, Dong Suk 's theory was mentioned as all over struggles in theories before 1980s. GA and R&S 's founding declarations in 1970s were the start of public art theorists' activities and this article reported the activities after the declarations. First, realism base on the consciousness of reality. Second, practice art democratization based on the ideology. Third, the subject of public art movement based on understanding people's social stratification structure. Fourth, the matters of national forms and creative ways in arts based on showing reality. Fifth, the strong points in arts that the practitioners accepted. About the public art theories around 1984, I discussed the dividing point of public art theories that were shown in 'generation theory', 'organization theory', and 'popularization theory' by the practitioners. The public realism theory that subjects the contradiction of reality and point out the limits of critical realism not only showing the new creative ways but also giving the feeling of solidarity to the public art activist groups. After that, public art movements expressed 'Dismentlement of Capitalism' and 'Public revolution'. In addition, the direction of public art movements were established strongly. There were various opinions and views during the start and formation of the public art theories. The foundation of theorists activities derived from the practitioners who had the concept based on stratification and nationalism. The strong trend of group division spreaded out by practitioners who opened art work together in factories, universities, squares and rural areas. Now many lively active practitioners are gone to the other field not related with arts, and others join into professional art field not public art one with unknown reason. The theorists have the same situation with the practitioners. It means to me that theory always have to be based on the practice.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.74
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• pp.45-78
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• 2022

South Africa implemented apartheid from 1948 to 1994. The main content of this policy was to classify races such as whites, Indians, mixed-race people, and blacks, and to limit all social activities, including residence, personal property ownership, and economic activities, depending on the class. All races except white people were discriminated against and suppressed for having different skin colors. South African citizens resisted the government's indiscriminate violence, and public opinion criticizing them expanded beyond the local community to various parts of the world. One of the things that made this possible was photographs detailing the scene of the violence. Foreign journalists who captured popular oppression as well as photographers from South Africa were immersed in recording the lives of those who were marginalized and suffered on an individual level. If they had not been willing to inform the reality and did not actually record it as a photo, many people would not have known the horrors of the situation caused by racial discrimination. Therefore, this paper focuses on Rise and Fall of Apartheid: Photography and the Bureau of Everyday Life, which captures various aspects of apartheid and displays related records, and examines the aspects of racism committed in South Africa described in the photo. The exhibition covers the period from 1948 when apartheid began until 1995, when Nelson Mandela was elected president and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was launched to correct the wrong view of history. Many of the photos on display were taken by Peter Magubane, Ian Berry, David Goldblatt, and Santu Mofoken, a collection of museums, art galleries and media, including various archives. The photographs on display are primarily the work of photographers. It is both a photographic work and a media that proves South Africa's past since the 1960s, but it has been mainly dealt with in the field of photography and art history rather than from a historical or archival point of view. However, the photos have characteristics as records, and the contextual information contained in them is characterized by being able to look back on history from various perspectives. Therefore, it is very important to expand in the previously studied area to examine the time from various perspectives and interpret it anew. The photographs presented in the exhibition prove and describe events and people that are not included in South Africa's official records. This is significant in that it incorporates socially marginalized people and events into historical gaps through ordinary people's memories and personal records, and is reproduced in various media to strengthen and spread the context of record production.