• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.26 no.5
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• pp.675-683
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• 2002

The purposes of the study were to analyze the changes in formal attires and decorative features of middle age Korean women during the last half of 20th century and to find out any significant differences in formal attires according to periods. The study was a documentary research, and data were collected from 344 family wedding photographs by convenient sampling. The statistics used were content analysis, frequency and a time series analysis, and the results were as follows : 1. Four schematic clusters of formal attires were categorized according to skirt(chima) length and width, jacket(jogori) length, motifs and decorative features; simple classic, decorative classic, fashionable, and extravagant fashionable. Simple classic attires were popular until 1960s, the decorative classics were appeared from late 1960s to 1970s, fashionable attires were introduced from the late 1970s and the attires became more luxurious and extravagant until 2000. 2. Color symbolism in couples mothers'attires according to the couples gender - pink or red for the bride's mother and blue or green for groom's mother - was introduced from the late 1970s, and reached the maximum level by the early 1980s but slowly disappeared after the late 1980s. 3. The complete fashion cycle did not exist in the formal attires'change, however, since the Period of data were ranged from 1943 to 2000, the 57 years period may not long enough to measure a complete fashion cycle.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.39 no.4
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• pp.1-18
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• 2001

Korea huts been dramatically changed during the last century in many aspect of society, with the introduction of western culture in the beginning of 20th century. This study aims at understanding the changes in our traditional culture shown by costume as well as examining the aspects of the changes of traditional clothing according to age, by comparing the differences of our traditional dress Hanbok between ear1y and the late of the 20th century. Analysis of photographs showing Hanbok of both ages was used. 155 photographs of people wearing traditional Hanbok in the beginning of the 20th century were collected from the photo collection books portraying various living conditions of common people at that time. 748 Photographs of Hanbok worm today were obtained by taking pictures of various occasions like wedding ceremonies in 5 big cities during 1997. The process of analysis consists of 3 stages: setting standards, sorting, and grouping by positioning. The results showed that traditional Hanbok room in the early 20th century has maintained its basic silhouette and design during the century, but the methods of color coordination, ornamentation, construction have underdone many changes in detail. Consequently, traditional frame exits, but actually there are many variations of tradition produced by individual tastes and fashion trend. These changes show that continuing influx of the western culture which has made enormous social changes in Korea had an influence even on Hanbok.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.71-79
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• 1995

Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles Vol. 19, No. 1 (199i) p. 71~79 The authors study on the traditional textile production and the formal dress through the field research concerning the folk attitude toward dress style around the Mt. Kumo area. In this area, people produced and wove hemp, cotton, and silk except ramie. Because of poor production of raw materials, they produced textiles only for self-sufficiency. Every household dealt with dyeing on a small scale. In the past, people dyed cloth natually using plants as material. Natural dyeing, however, gradually changed into chemical one since the Japanese rule. The formal dresses, which people wore on particular occasions such as the hundredth day after child's brith, the first birthday, and traditional holidays, were very meager due to poor living standards. People could not see the formal dresses with full decoration. Bride and bridegroom were the village.owned wedding dresses, and if they could not afford to, they simply put cloth on to remember the occasion. People around the Mt. Kumo area, however, provided fully-decorated shroud and ritual robes to the level of other better-off areas. It seemed to be the result of influence of deep-rooted Confucianism in Gyungbuk province. This Phenomenon could be found in the folk dress style in other regions as well as the Mt. Kumo area in Gyungbuk province.

• Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.24-34
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• 2007

The shroud of the Chosun dynasty period originally meant the new start in the next world. Its basic principle was to wear the best clothes or wedding garments during one's life. The white hemp cloth-shroud worn during this time was formed after the 20th century. In the beginning it started simply by imitating the shroud of the common people. However recently many aspects of the trade have deteriorated by the commercialism of the shroud traders. So this study focuses on the way of keeping traditions and making the shroud desirable. First, the shroud was made of the best materials such as silk, hemp cloth, ramie cloth and cotton cloth in the past. A thought that the shroud material must be white hemp cloth is the result from misunderstanding of the traditional shroud of the Chosun dynasty period. We can produce beautiful shrouds using natural materials without losing dignity and at diverse prices. Second, the shroud was produced not only to keep the dignity of a dead person but also to avoid wasting the original cloth. Third, The shroud has pursued diversity in classifying the traditional style or the basic style. It is possible to select the shroud flexibly according to one's sense of values or the way the tomb was made. These days, the Korean full-dress attire and Wonsam (Korean woman's ceremonial clothes) are the standardized form of the ready-made shroud. The man's Korean full-dress attire on sale is sewn in the wrong way and its shape looks more like the Wonsam. I offer diverse shrouds of the Chosun dynasty period, for example, the official uniform, hemp cloth upper garment, men's black upper garment, Korean full-dress attire, Korean overcoat, Wonsam, the long hood worn by a Korean woman and a woman's long upper garment, so that we can see the Korean originality and beauty through the different types of shrouds. Also, I adjusted a number of items, undergarments and other articles according to the price. As mentioned before this study helps to portray a desirable understanding of the culture of the shroud. So I corrected many problems of the present shroud and propose a new type of shroud based on tradition. Furthermore, I recommend a way of making use of the Hanbok which the man wears during his life, at the wedding ceremony or a his 60th birthday without buying a new shroud.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.64 no.5
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• pp.154-167
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• 2014

This study explored culture adaptive attitudes and donning practices of traditional dress among Chinese marriage immigrant women. Quantitative research was conducted on Korea-Chinese multicultural families. Participants were 291 married women in Seoul and Gyeonggi Province. The data was analyzed using frequency analysis, factor analysis, t-test and correlation analysis. The findings are as follows: First, positive relationship was found between Hanbok acceptance attitudes and Qipao transmission attitudes. The level of Qipao transmission attitudes was higher than Hanbok acceptance attitudes especially in the part of knowledge. Han Chinese showed stronger Qipao transmission attitudes than Korean Chinese. Immigrants without Korean nationality had stronger Qipao transmission attitudes. Higher education group and higher income group showed higher level both on Hanbok acceptance attitudes and Qipao transmission attitudes. Second, more than 50% of Chinese marriage immigrant women wore Hanbok once or twice per a year. On the other hand, only 24% of them wore Qipao. This result shows that there exists a gap in the Qipao transmission attitudes and donning practices. 44% of women wore both Hanbok and Qipao in their own wedding ceremony, 32% wore only Hanbok, and 19% wore only Qipao. 64% of women had an experience of wearing Hanbok on special days such as traditional holidays or family affairs, whereas only 29% had worn Qipao.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.3
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• pp.76-98
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• 2023

The results of analyzing the outfits of male and female characters depicted in the "Hoehonryedocheop" (回婚禮圖帖, Deoksu 6375) held by the National Museum of Korea and estimating its production date of the "Hoehonryedocheop"are as follows. Firstly, an elderly groom is depicted wearing a patterned heukdanryeong (黑團領) with rank badges, a garment commonly donned by government officials in works such as "Jeonanryedo (奠鴈禮圖)" and "Gyobaeryedo (交拜禮圖)". And the old groom in "Heonsuryedo (獻壽禮圖)" "Jeobbindo (接賓圖)" and "Jungroeyeondo (重牢宴圖)" is shown wearing a jarip (purple hat) without a paeyoung (ornamental jewelry strap), accompanied by jade colored robe with a red strap belt. Gireokabeom (雁夫) is observed wearing a jarip (紫笠) adorned with a paeyoung (貝纓) and a patternless heukdanryeong with rank badges. Adult male descendants are depicted wearing dopo (道袍), while guests wear dopo, cheolrik (帖裏), and jikryeong (直領), accompanied by red and blue straps denoting their social status. Jingssi (徵氏), sidong (侍童), and young grandchildren are observed wearing jungchimak(中赤莫). The young servants are wearing jungchimak, and the boys carrying the food have braided their hair and worn sochangu (小氅衣), while adults servants wore jeonrip (氈笠) and sochangui. Performers are seen clad in a sochangui, jeonbok, and a blue sash around their waists. Secondly, the elderly bride is portrayed wearing a keunmeori (ceremonial headdress) and a green wonsam (圓衫) in "Gyobaeryedo," while in "Heonsuyeondo," she is depicted in a blue skirt and a jade colored jeogori (赤古里). Women descendants are shown adorning headdress decorations, such as binyeo(簪), banja(斑子) and pearl daenggi (眞珠唐紒) on their eoyeomeori (於于味, ceremonial headdress). They are further dressed in skirts of navy, red, and jade hues, paired with various-colored jeogori. Additionally, a woman wearing a navy skirt and a green jangot (長衣) is also depicted. The dongnyeo (童女, unmarried women) wear beolsaengmeri (娘子雙髻), headdress) with long binyeo and long dodaik-daenggi (都多益唐只). They wear chilbo-jokduri (七寶簇頭里) and a red skirt with a green hoejang-jeogori (回裝赤古里). Bija (婢子) wears garima (加里亇) on her eoyeomeori and is seen dressed in skirts and jeogori resembling those worn by noble women, albeit with lighter colors, shorter skirt length, and a subdued volume. Ginyeo's attire bears similarities to that of noble women, although with a dress with less vibrant tones and devoid of decorations on the eoyeomeori. Thirdly, based on the main character's jarip, along with the cheolrik and jikryeong worn by the guests, as well as the performances by musicians of the military camp, it is suggested that the main character of the 60th wedding anniversary is connected to the Ministry of Military Affairs or the military camp. Judging by the military band's short-sleeved vest, the silhouettes of the women dress, and the headdresses, it is likely that the "Hoehonryedocheop" was produced between the 1760s and 1780s.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.16
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• pp.221-229
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• 1991

This thesis aims at reviewing the wearing aspect and formation of Chosun ceremonial dresses for meal and finding out the thought reflected by them from the standpoint that dresses themselves should be taken as one of the phenomena in culture. That is men's ceremonial costumes and confucian costumes of the royal family and the gentry family in Chosun is reviewed focused on the formation and the wearing aspect of Po, Which is a kind of them. And in the context of the phase of the times. I also considered the thoughts reflected on the clothes such as confucianism, Ying & Yang Theory, and the symbol and the thoughts of patterns in relation to the clothes. Confucian influence was the main force for the Chosun prohibitions for clothes. The major reasons for the prohibitions for clothes were as follows. First, they reflected confucian Chung myoung chooui(the principle that everything should be where it belongs). That is the prohibitions for clothes were used in the means to maintain feudalistic social order. influenced by social rank system. Second, they reflected confucian ethics in the means to recover social disciplines with the maintenance of traditional customs. This shows well in the restriction of luxurious items in dressing included the prohibitions for clothes. Third, they reflected Chosun's toadysm toward China. With the influx of Chinese style of dressing then government even changed the style of uniforms for public officials into that of Chinese resulting in dual styles of dressing. Ying & Yan Theory greatly affected the colors of Korean clothes and reflected toadysm toward China. too. The theory was embodied by prohibition of such colors for clothes as white, gray, and jade green. I reviewed the twelve patterns on Myunpok, Ten-Longivity patterns and Four-Gracious plants patterns in order to analyze the symbolism and thoughts of patterns for clothes. Nansam, Dopo, and Shimui worn by confucian scholars ensures that those clothes bears confucianism and philosopical factors. As shimui was worn by many people it appears in Chosun scholars' studies and a Chinese book called "Yeki". I reviewed the origin, procession, and ornaments of four ceremonial clothes and tried to find out the confucianism in them. First, In Kwanrei (the coming-of-age ceremony) remained ancestor worship and respect for manners. The clothes for this ceremony granted the rights and responsibilities of and adult to the wearer. The royal Kwanreipok had different dresses for each rank. As Samgapok, the crown prince wore Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for the first ritual, Wonryukwan and Kangsapo for the second, and Myunrukwan and Konpok for the third. The rank of the King's grandson was lower than the crown prince's. This example shows that Chosun people respected manners and thought the basic confucianism "God and people are equal." at the Royal court. Second, as Honreipok(wedding gown), the crown prince wore Myunrukwan and Konpok for Daereipok, Wonyukwan and Kangsapo for Napjing and Tongwoo, and Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for Chekbinui. But common people were allowed to wear an official outfit only for wedding in the means of congratulation on the most important day of their life. Wedding gowns which reflected Ying and Yang Theory emphasized the thought that union of a man and a wife is the most important event in life. Third, Sangrei(funeral) was the last ritual of a human being to send off the deceased. The mourning dresses expressed lamentation of the people left behind. Five-Dress-System for each the relative degree of familarity showed the solemnity and formality, which represented the formality of confucianism and ancestor worship. I reviewed the mourning dresses by dividing them into royal, Yangban's, and commons. They were featured by the fact that there was only one style for every walk of life. It is construed that anyone in mourning can wear the same clothes since he feels the same way regardless of his social rank. Fourth, Chereipok(sacrificial rite dresses) had different styles for each social rank. The King wore Myunpok(Kuryumyun and Kujangpok) were recorded to be worn first in the fourth year of King Taecho's ruling. The crown prince wore Palryumyun and Chiljangpok for sacrificial rite dress which was finally settled when King Sejong was in power. Common people wore Dopo, Shimui for the rite dress in the beginning of the Chosun Era and wore Dopo after Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. In conclusion, confucianism played the main role in ceremonial dress system of Chosun and that was because it emphasized the ethics of action in life, which was different from other religions. It is true that cause-oriented thoughts and Chung myoung chooui in confucianism drove all ceremonies to extreme manners, discriminating the people who belonged to the lower social rank, and resulting in extremly luxurious life style. However, they also created a unique trend and clothes culture in the Chosun Era. I wish that this thesis provieds important information and direction for furthur studies in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.16
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• pp.15-42
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• 1991

A nation's culture isn't consisted by the characteristics of the nation only, but it is greatly affected by the geographical features and natural conditions, and it could be also dominated by the continual effect through mutual contact on economic exchange or social problem and political interests with neighboring countries. It is a well known fact that the contact of culture between Korea and Mongolia established under the special political situation that Corea was invaded by Won. But more basically, the Nomad including Mongolia had influenced upon neighboring countries, therefore, our country was also greatly influenced on consisting of our own culture by them. Moreover. the fact that our language belongs to their language's category(mostly Tweigru and Mongolian language) proves that the origin of our culture was deeply related with Mongolia. Accordingly, we could not limit the cultural relation between Korea and Mongolia within a special era. But especially, since unification of China by Mongolia, Won which appeared as a new great nation had dominated Corea for one hundred years, and the Corea's costume culture had a point of conversion to the mongolian. Therefore, this study expects to comment upon the relations of costume between Corea and Mongolia from a view point of Corea's tribute and royal gifts gifts by Mongolia written on the reference literatures. 1) From the ancient times, between our country and Mongolia there has been a direct or indirect exchange caused by the people's movement or invasion due to very closed neighboring. The relations between Corea and Mongolia have started from the mongolia's requests of tribute for the reason why they helped Corea against the Keoran's invasion, and these relation had continued by King Kongmin's age. 2) Mongolia had plundered a tribute such as dress, cereals, horses, military supplies, soldiers, maiden and little girls etc. from Corea, and therefore, a great confusion occurred on political, economic and social fields. And since King Chungyoul of Corea got married with a Princess of Won, the Corea's position was placed as the Buma nation(nation of son in law) and then high class people of Corea preferred to follow the mongolian costume such as Byunbal (pigtail), Ho dress (mongolian dress), Rouges, Chockturi (a kind of formal cap) and Doturak pigtail ribbon, and some have been applied up to date. On the other hand, the custom of Corea had transmitted to the Mongolian nobility, they called it "Corea Yang(style)". 3) The costume of Corea could be divided into three different periods, the first is the period influenced by Tang and Song's regime, the second is affected by the Won's costume and the third is applying the Myung's regime in the end of Corea. The Mongolian dress was based on the Ho dress form and it has been developed through compounding artistic traditional fields and foreign customs in long history. And Mongolia is composed of various tribes, therefore, they have their own dress for each tribe. Our country and Mongolia had a similar dress form based on Ho dress and both used the Chacksukunggo (jacket with small sleeves and slacks) and Seon(line). And the ornaments of costume such as Chockturi, Doturak pigtail ribbon and Rouges had transmitted and fixed down as a traditional wedding garment, but the Rouges has been used by noble women from the ancient times in our country. Since a member of the Society of Korean Costume has visited Mongolia in August 1990 for the first time, I really recognized the neccesity of more detailed study on the costume relation between Korea and Mongolia, and I will proceed with the study on various fields of costume under cooperation of Institute of Oriental Academy of Mongolia.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.39
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• pp.113-123
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• 1998

This study focuses on the effects of the clothes worn by kisaeng; courtesans trained in singing and dancing, on changes in female psychology as reflected in general women's fashions during the later years of the Chosun dynasty. During this period, the social order had broken down considerable, due in part to the introduction of Roman Catholicism, and in part to the actions of Sil-hak, who emphasized open-ness and practicality in the organization of social affairs. This freer social environment disrup-ted the established social hierarchies. The kisaeng were among the first to respond to the new social mores by adopting more colorful, sensual, and individualized fashions. Their social position allowed them to reflect the new aesthetics of the time right away. Those aesthetics seemed to lay great emphasis on the artistic effects of contrast. The kisaeng would adorn their heads with large Kache (an elaborate wig or hairdo typically reserved for use by women in full formal dress). In contrast to this conspicuous hairstyle, they typically wore very tight-fitting Jogori (short-cropped Korean traditional jackets for women) around their upper torsos. The long skirts emerging from beneath these short jackets would typically flare out dramatically, with the aid of petticoats. However, these skirts would be bound at the waist with a sash, increasing the sexual suggestiveness of the clothing by drawing at-tention to the hips, and by exposing the bottom frills of the petticoats, or the wide pantal-oons and other undergarments the kisaeng wore to add volume to their skirts. The relative freedom enjoyed by the kisaeng to experiment with new fashions was not widely shared by most women. This generated envy from women of the noble classes, who were more bound by convention, and restrained from adopting such a mode of dress. It also generated envy from women of the humble classes, who saw the kisaeng as working little for their wealth, and yet dressing every day in finery that the average women would only ever be able to afford on her wedding day. This envy directed at the relative freedom/wealth of the kisaeng by women who faced greater socioeconomic constraints was given cultural expression through the adoption of elements of the kisaeng's fashion in the fashions of both noblewomen and humble women in old korea. The luxurious Kache sported by the kisaeng had in fact been borrowed from the habitual attire of upper-class women. So to distinguish themeselves from the kisaeng, they began to abandon these elaborate hairstyles in favor of traditional ceremonial hoods (Nel-ul-a thin black women's hood) and coronets (Suegaechima). This supposed reaction to the abuse of the Kache by the kisaeng still remained influenced by the kisaeng still remained influence by the kisaeng, however, as these headdresses became adorned with many more jewels and decorations, in imitation of the kisaeng's adaptations of the coronet. At the same time, noblewomen began sporting the Jangwue ; a headdress previously worn only by kisaeng and lower class women, and lower class women were then permitted to wear the Kache at weddings. All women behan to wear shorter, tighter Jogori jackets, and to add volume to their skirts. They also attached frills to their under-garments in imitation of the kisaeng's exposed petticoats and pantaloons. The impact of kisaeng fashions was thus deep and widespread, and can be understood as an expression of women's longing for freedom from socioeconomic constraints in the late Chosun dynasty. This study adopts an interdisciplinary ap-proach to the understanding of historical changes in women's fashions. Such interdisciplinary work can greatly enrich the study of fashion, often narrowly focused on clothing morphology and broad generalizations about society. For this reason, specific dynamics of feminine psychology in the late Chosun dynasty were elaborated in this study, to provide a deeper under-standing of the changes in fashion underpinned by them. If more such detailed analyses are undertaken, a whole new understanding of changes in fashion can be generated, and perhaps a transformation of the field of fashion history can be ultimately achieved.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.80-98
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• 2023

In the late Joseon Dynasty, when the bride would ride a palanquin when she went to live with her in-laws, it was a custom to cover the palanquin with tiger skin to ward off misfortunes that may come her way. The higher classes used tiger skin or leopard skin for this purpose, but the common people had to substitute this expensive item with a tiger pattern painted on a blanket. Such blankets were called hotanja, hogu, hoguyok and the like. The term "hotanja" is a pure Korean word. It is not known when the cover for the bridal palanquin was first used, but it was popular from the end of the 19^th century and then gradually disappeared. This is due to the introduction of new Western style weddings that eliminated the need for a bridal palanquin. The tiger print blanket was used not only to cover the bride's palanquin but also to cover a table or floor during the wedding ceremony. This study ran a material analysis on nine pieces of tiger print blankets. All of the blanket artifacts examined in this study had an outer cover and a lining made of fabric that used cotton thread for the warp and wool thread for the weft. Two kinds of wool were found in the weft thread in the outer covers: fat-tailed sheep hair from China and goat hair for carpets from the Hebei province, China. Records show that "blankets with painted tiger patterns" were imported from Russia, and the imported blankets were from Russia and China. The outer cover can be categorized into six types, and the lining into three types depending on the weave and direction of the thread twist. The hem facing can be divided into four types. The lining and outer cover use the full width of the fabric, which was woven in wide widths of 135 cm or wider. The tiger pattern on the blanket was made by stenciling. The stencil design of the body and tail of the tiger were placed on a red blanket to be painted in white, and then the background color of the tiger, which is yellow, would be painted over the white, and then black stripes would be added. The pattern of the tiger varies, which shows that the blankets were made by various craftspeople. The pattern of the tiger print blanket is usually of a tiger lying down, but there were tiger print blankets with a tiger standing up. The pattern of the tiger grew smaller over time, and flower patterns were added in the background. Decorative elements were gradually added to the tiger print blanket patterns, but its function as a palanquin cover became lost. By taking the features of tiger print blankets into consideration, it can be assumed that there are imported pieces among the remaining pieces, and were produced in various places because it was popular at that time.