• Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
• /
• v.21 no.1
• /
• pp.20-27
• /
• 2009

1. Objects Myunghyun Symptom(瞑眩現狀) is widely regarded as 'symptoms of discharge the accumulated poison in body', 'symptoms in the process of healing' apart from any other side effects of drugs. Recently, Natural Medicine of Europe and the U.S.A named it 'healing crisis'. However, this tends to be used indiscriminately. I took a look at the meaning of the Myunghyun Symptom correctly, and the meaning at a point of Sasang Constitutional view 2. Methods It was researched on the literal study about the meaning of the Myunghyun Symptom on the book "Seokyung"(書經), "Dongeuibogam(東醫寶鍵)", "Dongyi Suse Bowon(東醫壽世保元)", "Yakjing(藥徵)", and the meaninig at a point of Sasang Constitutional view through the "Dongyi Suse Bowon(東醫壽世保元)", "Dongyi Suse Bowon Sasang Chobonguen(東醫壽世保元 四象草本卷)". 3. Results and Conclusions 1. The original meaning of the Myunghyun symptom is 'dizziness by the use of massive effective drugs'. 2. Yoshimasu Todo interprεtated broadly the Myunghyun symptoms as the discharge of the accumulated poison in body, the symptoms in the process of healing. 3. Dongmu recognized the Myunghyun symptom as dizziness by massive effective drugs and shun the use of massive effective drugs. 4. Dongmu established the concept of 'Jang-gi(臟氣) and 'Yak-gi(藥氣)' and esteemed Jang-gi more than Yak-gi. So he contended that When there is no disease does not use drugs, even if the illness prioritized the use of mild drug, use the massive effective drugs a little while when there is an acute disease. 5. When the Sasnag Constututional Drugs help the Bomyungjiju(보명지주), Sometimes the Myunghyun Symptom is appeared. it is the process of Tongoi by Taeum Drugs, Chungjang by Soyang Drugs, Gojung by Tayang Drugs, Onri by Soeum Durgs. 6. Myunghyun symptoms which used indiscriminately in present is stopped and needs a clear observation and description about the drug reactions to the patient's condition.

• Korean Journal of Food Science and Technology
• /
• v.35 no.2
• /
• pp.309-315
• /
• 2003

Nutritional composition, contents of phenolic compounds, and antioxidative activities of small black soybean were investigated. Proximate composition of the soybean was crude fat, crude protein, carbohydrate, and crude ash at 15.9, 34.7, 38.5, and 3.7%, respectively. Potassium was the predominant mineral, followed by phosphorus, calcium, and magnesium. Glucose and galactose were the major sugars. Twelve different kinds of fatty acids were identified in whole soybean, dehulled soybean, and soybean hull. The 75% methanol and ethyl acetate extract fractions from the soybean hull contained total phenolic compounds at 4.64 and 13.53 g/100 g, respectively. The methanol extract of soybean hull showed strongest antioxidative activity among samples tested. Ethyl acetate fraction of the soybean hull exhibited DPPH radical scavenging activity at level similar to those of ${\alpha}-tocopherol$ and BHT. Phenolic compounds were the major biological components in the soybean hull. These results suggest that small black soybean can be used as a new material for functional food.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.59
• /
• pp.343-370
• /
• 2018

Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) completed "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證") at the age of 72, and later had the argument over Runwuxingtongyilunzheng(人物性同異論爭) with his disciple, Lee Sik(李?). Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) had the position of Runwuxingyilun(人物性異論) and Lee Sik(李?) Runwuxingtonglun(人物性同論). Yet, the argument over Runwuxingtongyilunzheng(人物性同異論爭) had been forgotten and "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證") could be acknowledged because Toegye school(退溪學派) and Yulgok school(栗谷學派) were conflicting and criticizing each other's stance at that time. It seems like Lee Hyeon-Il(李玄逸)'s "Liqulishilunsiduanqiqingshubian"("栗谷李氏論四端七情書辨") had a great influence on the completion of "Siqibianzheng" ("四七辨證"). Lee Yi(李珥)'s thought of Siduan(四端) and Qiqing(七情) was 'the position of Hunlun(渾淪)' that 'Qiqing(七情) includes Siduan(四端)', and Lee Hwang(李滉) had the 'position of Fenkai(分開)' that Siduan(四端) and Qiqing(七情) should be interpreted differently. Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) criticized the stance of Hunlun(渾淪) from the position of Fenkai(分開). What did Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) try to pursue through "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證")? This fact tends to make us forget the controversy over Runwuxingtongyilunzheng(人物性同異論爭) between Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) and disciple Lee Sik(李?). Now we know the fact that Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) criticized Lee Yi(李珥) in "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證"), but don't care much about the fact that Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) caused the controversy over Runwuxingtongyilun(人物性同異論). Why "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證") has remained in our memory even though it was an important one? It might be because "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證") had an impact on Lee Sik(李?), Shin Hu-Dam(愼後聃), and even Jeong Yak-Yong(丁若鏞) in the process of summarizing the arguments over Siduanqiqinglunzheng(四端七情論爭) since Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) regardless of whether Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) had hoped it or not.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.59
• /
• pp.157-181
• /
• 2015

This thesis pursued exchanges of Hwangsang with Chusa Family, who existed in the 19th century. What was Chusa to Hwangsang and what was Hwangsang to Chusa? The answer is concluded to the question of which existence Chusa was to Hwangsang but not of which existence Hwangsang was to Chusa. However, disregarding social positions of the nobles and the commoners, brothers of Chusa also cherished Hwangsang and respectfully treated him as a poet at all times. Chusa was a critic who recognized Hwangsang as a successor to Dasan poetics and became a patron of the literary circles on the other hand. Hwangsang's Chinese poems related to Chusa Family are counted as 45 JE 52 SU in total which consist of 31 JE 34 SU in "CHIWONYUGO" and 14 JE 18 SU in "CHIWONSOGO", On the other hand, Chinese poems which Chusa wrote for Hwangsang are only a few pieces shown in "WANDANGJEONJIP". Hwangsang first met three brothers including Chusa in September 1853 when he came up to the capital for the 4th time. Jeong Hak-yeon, the oldest son of Dasan Jeang Yak-yong, played an important role in the whole process that Hwangsang met Chusa's three brothers and was recognized as a poet. As the oldest son of Dasan Family, Jeong Hak-yeon made efforts in various ways for Hwangsang. Hwangsang tried his efforts to exhibit his ability as a poet to Chusa and to get Chusa's introduction of his poetical works. Considering Chusa's importance in then literary circles, the introduction seemed to reflect recognition by the literary circles in the metropolis and it also showed that Hwangsang was no more than an obscure poet in the provincial area. Poetical composition of Hwangsang for Chusa three brothers commonly contained friendship, intimacy and special respect at all times. Seeing from exchange process between Hwangsang and Dasan Family or Chusa Family, it is found that mutual exchanges were actively made in the mid-nineteenth century overcoming regional differentiation between capital and province, or feudalism class distinction of social positions of the nobles and the commoners.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.19 no.12
• /
• pp.623-632
• /
• 2019

This study examined the cases of Cheongbaek-ri who were the model of integrity and clean official in Korean tradition, and tried to draw some implications for modern public integrity education. Integrity is a subject and a virtue in itself. Integrity can thus be seen in terms of value education. Cheongbaek-ri in Korean tradition qualifies as modeling in the value education. There were many examples of Cheongbaek-ri in our tradition. This study focused on Park Su-ryang, Lee Won-ik, and Jeong Yak-yong as representatives of each period during Josun Dynasty. Even at the high status, they had not abused their position for self-greed. With less greed, they had been happy even if they had been not rich. They initially tried to be a savior in their daily lives, with their own mind in vain. Their works would be a good example for public officials of modern Korea. In the future, if the educational institutions of the public use this model as a material, it would be very effective.

• Journal of The Geomorphological Association of Korea
• /
• v.19 no.4
• /
• pp.1-12
• /
• 2012

The aim of this study is to reevaluate the elements of Gokungugok in geomorphic perspective to discover the geosite of DMZ Geopark in Gangwon-do. The perception for the landscapes contained in Gokungi and Gokungukok-ga is similar to today's geomorphic elements. The most frequent geomorphic landscape shown in Gokungukok is ripple-pool system, and follow after falls and bedrock stream bed. The potholes along the granite bedrock of 3rd and 4th sites accentuate the beauty of Gokungugok. Between 1st and 3rd sites are very long section, and there are many beautiful sceneries, but between 7th and 9th sites is very short section and there are no distinct geomorphic landscapes. After a historical review for the position of 'Seolbeokwa', 'Mangdangi' and 'Beokuiman' called by Dasan Jeong Yak Yong, there is necessary to establish the name and the position of New Gokungugok. Because Gokungugok consists of the beautiful geomorphic landscapes and is well preserved, it can be suggested that it is a suitable geosite.

• Journal of Haehwa Medicine
• /
• v.9 no.1
• /
• pp.595-646
• /
• 2000

I. Introduction Bi(痺) means blocking. BiJeung is one kind of symptoms making muscles, bones and jonts feel pain, numbness or edema. For example it can be gout or SLE etc. says that Bi is combination of PungHanSeup. And many doctors said that BiJeung is caused by food, fatigue, sex, stress and change of weather. Therefore we must treat BiJeung by character of patients and characteristic of the disease. Many famous doctors studied medical science by their fathers or teachers. So the history of medical science is long. So I studied ${\ll}Bijeungjujip{\gg}$. II. Final Decision 1. JoGeumTak(趙金鐸) devided BiJeung into Pung, Han, Seup and EumHeo, HeulHeo, YangHeo, GanSinHeo by charcter or reaction of pain. And he use DaeJinGyoTang, GyegiGakYakJiMoTang, SamyoSan, etc. 2. JangPaeGyeu(張沛圭) focused on division of HanYeol(寒熱; coldness and heat) in spite of complexity of BiJeung. He also used insects for treatment. They are very useful for treatment of BiJeung because they can remove EoHyeol(瘀血). 3. SeolMaeng(薛盟) said that the actual cause of BiJeung is Seup. So he thought that BiJeung can be divided into PungSeup, SeupYeol, HanSeup. And he established 6 rules to treat BiJeung and he studied herbs. 4. JangGi(張琪) introduced 10 prescriptions and 10 rules to cure BiJeung. The 1st prescription is for OyeSa, 2nd for internal Yeol, 3rd for old BiJeung, 4th for Soothing muscles, 5th for HanSeup, 6th for regular BiJeung, 7th for functional disorder, 8th for YeolBi, 9th for joint pain and 10th for pain of lower limb. 5. GangSeYoung(江世英) used PungYeongTang(風靈湯) for the treatment of PungBi, OGyeHeukHoTang(烏桂黑虎湯) for HanBi, BangGiMokGwaTang(防己木瓜湯) for SeupBi, YeolBiTang(熱痺湯) for YeolBi, WoDaeRyeokTang(牛大力湯) for GiHei, HyeolPungGeunTang(血楓根湯) for HyeolHeo, ToJiRyongTang(土地龍湯) for the acute stage of SeupBi, OJoRyongTang(五爪龍湯) for the chronic stage of SeupBi, and so on. 6. ShiGeumMook(施今墨) devided BiJeung into four types. They are PungSeupYeol, PungHanSeup, GiHyeolSil(氣血實) and GiHyeolHeo(氣血虛). And he introduced the eight rules of the treatment(SanPun(散風), ChukHan(逐寒), GeoSeuP(, CheongYeol(淸熱), TongRak(通絡), HwalHyeol(活血), HaengGi(行氣), BoHeo(補虛)). 7. WangYiYou(王李儒) explained the acute athritis and said that it can be applicable to HaneBi(行痺). And he used GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang(桂枝芍蘂知母湯) for HanBi and YeolBiJinTongTang(熱痺鎭痛湯) for YeolBi. 8. JangJinYeo(章眞如) said that YeolBi is more common than HanBi. The sympthoms of YeolBi are severe pain, fever, dried tongue, insomnia, etc. And he devided YeolBi into SilYeol and HeoYeol. In case of SilYeol, he used GyeoJiTangHapBaekHoTang(桂枝湯合白虎湯) and in case of HeoYeol he used JaEumYangAekTang(滋陰養液湯). 9. SaHaeJu(謝海洲) introduced three important rules of treatment and four appropriate rules of treatment of BiJeung. 10. YouDoJu(劉渡舟) said that YeolBi is more common than HanBi. He used GaGamMokBanGiTang(加減木防已湯) for YeolBi, GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang or GyeJiBuJaTang(桂枝附子湯) for HanBi and WooHwangHwan(牛黃丸) for the joint pain. 11. GangYiSon(江爾遜) focused on the internal cause. The most important internal cause is JeongGiHeo(正氣虛). So he tried to treat BiJeung by means of balance of Gi and Hyeol. So he ususlly used ODuTang(烏頭湯) and SamHwangTang(三黃湯) for YeolBi, OJeokSan(五積散) for HanBi, SamBiTang(三痺湯) for the chronic BiJeung. 12. HoGeonHwa(胡建華) said that to distinguish YeolBi from Hanbi is very difficult. So he used GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang in case of mixture of HanBi and YeoBi. 13. PiBokGo(畢福高) said that the most common BiJeung is HanBi. He usually used acupuncture with medicine. He followed the theory of EumYongHwa(嚴用和)-he focused on SeonBoHuSa(先補後瀉). 14. ChoiMunBin(崔文彬) used GeoPungHwalHyeolTang(祛風活血湯) for HanBi, SanHanTongRakTang(散寒通絡湯) for TongBi(痛痺), LiSeupHwaRakTang(利濕和絡湯) for ChakBi(着痺), CheongYeolTongGyeolChukBiTang(淸熱通經逐痺湯) for YeolBi(熱痺) and GeoPungHwalHyeolTang(祛風活血湯) for PiBi(皮痺). 15. YouleokSeon(劉赤選) introduced the common principle for the treatment of BiJeung. He used HaePuneDeungTang(海風藤湯) for HaengBi(行痺), SinChakTang(腎着湯), DokHwalGiSaengTang(獨活寄生湯) for TongBi(痛痺), TongPungBang(痛風方) for ChakBi(着痺) and SangGiYiMiTangGaYeongYangGakTang(桑枝苡米湯加羚羊角骨) for YeolBi(熱痺). 16. LimHakHwa(林鶴和) said about TanTan(movement disorders or numbness) and devided TanTan into the acute stage and the chronic stage. He used acupuncture at the meridian spot like YeolGyeol(列缺), HapGok(合谷), etc. And he also used MaHwangBuJaSeSinTang(麻黃附子細辛湯) in case of the acute stage. In the chronic stage he used BangPungTang(防風湯). 17. JinBaekGeun(陳伯勤) liked to use three rules(HwaHyeol(活血), ChiDam(治痰), BoSin(補腎)) to treat BiJeung. He used JinTongSan(鎭痛散) for the purpose of HwalHyeol(活血), SoHwalRakDan(小活絡丹) for ChiDam(治痰) and DokHwalGiSaengTang(獨活寄生湯) for BoSin(補腎). 18. YimGyeHak(任繼學) focused on YangHyeolJoGi(養血調氣) if the stage of BiJeung is chronic. And in the chronic stage he insisted on not using GalHwal(羌活), DokHwal(獨活) and BangPung(防風).

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.50
• /
• pp.139-176
• /
• 2024

This article examines the theory of mutual resonance (感應論) of Dasan (茶山), Jeong Yak-yong (丁若鏞), and Jeungsan (甑山), Kang Il-sun (姜一淳), who lived during the transition to modernity in Joseon. By examining the philosophical thought of Dasan and Jeungsan, which centered on the problem of realizing morality through the resonance (感應) between human beings and Sangje, this article aims to reveal that their religious discussion of resonance, which is differentiated from the rational theory, ultimately strengthens the practice of morality. Dasan and Jeungsan argue that it is difficult to overcome human selfish desires through the mind alone, which aims for moral autonomy, so the recognition of a transcendent being, Sangje, becomes necessary. Since Sangje, the Supreme Being, is always watching over human life, one can examine one's deficiencies with reverence and correct them. In particular, Dasan and Jeungsan reveal that humans and Sangje do not exist independently, but are in touch with each other through the heart, so that moral practice can be actualized in reality. Dasan and Jeungsan do not position humans and the Supreme Being as independent entities, but rather allow them to organically resonate with each other through the mind, enabling individuals to engage in moments of contemplation and reflection at every juncture of choice, unbound by time and space. From this perspective, the resonance theory of Dasan and Jeungsan can be seen to have practical implications for integrating moral practice into everyday life. The thought systems of Dasan and Jeungsan should be understood as embodying the anguish and sincerity of two figures who sought to convey to future generations the path of moral practice that humans must walk, based on a reverent mindset towards the Supreme Being, amidst tumultuous domestic and international circumstances.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.32
• /
• pp.161-183
• /
• 2011

Lee Ik(李瀷) had put emphasis on the achievements by self-regulated academic learning through doubts, and at the same time that it was all-embracing. His academic attitude had set an example among the members of Seongho school(星湖學派), and his disciples had strived to emulate his style. The greatness of Seongho(星湖)'s study had been revealed by development of Seongho school(星湖學派) right after his death. He had argued that the six strokes of I-Ching should be read having it divided into inward and outward divine signs. He had stated his view clearly that the divine signs ranging from one stroke to six strokes were not connected, same as Shao yong(邵雍)'s method, but, the three strokes of inward divine sign as well as the three strokes of outward divine signs were independent from each other. Seongho(星湖) also had raised many questions about Shifa(筮法), and Bianyao(變爻) and Zhuzi(朱子)'s Shifa(筮法), or Yixueqimeng("易學啓蒙") "Kaobianzhan("考變占")". In view of the Shifa(筮法), Seongho(星湖) had helped Dasan(茶山) to present 'Shiguafa(蓍卦法)' by proposing different divination rule from Zhuzi(朱子)'s Method of Divination by Shiyi("筮儀"). Seongho(星湖) had not professed something significantly different from Zhuzi(朱子) in his I-xue. His study on I-xue had been accomplished under his goal of achievements by self-regulated academic learning through doubts. "Shiguakao("蓍卦攷")" is also same. I-xue of Seongho(星湖) had made a great contribution to form Dasan(茶山)'s I-xue in the later years.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.32
• /
• pp.159-187
• /
• 2008

This article aims to investigate the change of theories of reading and its historical meaning in the later Joseon period. Three scholar who left major theories of reading are mainly analyzed for the sake of it. Park, Se-chae(1631-1695) was a Neo-Confucianist who had the theory of reading named Dokseo-Gungliron(讀書窮理論). It was totally based on the scheme of Neo-Confucianist instruction and concentrated on mastering the moral principles with relishing the sentences of the Confucian Canons. Jeong, Yak-yong(1762-1836) was a Practical learning scholar and then criticized the moral-centric theory of reading of Neo-Confucianism. He valued much of the Confucian Canons but also focused on erudite reading so as to enlarge practical knowledge. Hong, Gil-ju(1786-1841) was a stylist and presented a severe criticism against Neo-Confucianist theory of reading as much. He thought that what we could realize with reading are the principles of the individual, not of the whole. The change of theories of reading in the later Joseon period as above reveals us the fact that the intellectual history of that period was in the process of dynamical change.