• Title/Summary/Keyword: Japanese Local Self-Government

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Study on the Korean Public Libraries under the period of the Japanese Rule (일제하의 공공도서관에 관한 연구)

  • Kim Po Ok
    • Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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    • v.6
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    • pp.137-163
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    • 1979
  • The Purpose of this study is analyzed that (l) How the public Libraries under the Japanese Rule since the end of the Yi-Dynasty were recepted and generated by the people and (2) How they were organiged and managed. (3) Also it examined that how they affected the development of the libraries of today. 1. The following are the analyzed results: Three types of the public Libraries under the Japanese Rule for a period of 36 years engaged busily in colonization were Private's Public Libraries, Local Self-Government's Libraries and the Central Governmental Libraries, and were in order established. 2. They were eatablished by individuals, Confucian School Foundation, Young Men's Clubs, School Associations, Korean brethren residing abroad, or The Press Centering around the Local Self-Governments and the Japanese Government-General. 3. In 1932 of the period of the Japanese Rule, the number of Libraies gained the summit and reached 80 Libraries. The Public Libraries including the Central Governmental Libraries remained in existence until the end of the War had been kept up the functions of the Libraries, but the Private Libraries operated by the Koreans were very small and poor. As a result, most of them were closed up and some Libraries transferred their controls to the public. Until the end of the war, only a little over 10 Private Libraries were Kept up. From the aspects of it's organization system, the most of their libraries replaced their chief librarians with non-professional county-headmen or Local supporters. From the aspect of collections, they wate mainly consists of Japanese books for the proper quidance of the public thought based on the ideology of Japanese Rule to Korea and on the industrial promotion rather than books about Koreanology or Western books. At that time, the Library users were with the jobless men and students as the central figures. And the next ranking by the social position of readers was children, farmers, merchants, industrialists, public servants, miscellaneous and educators. Their reading tendencies laid stress on linguistics and literature, physical sciences and medicine, While the reading trend of military sciences and medicine, while the reading trend of military sciences and engineering were very inactive. This was because the Japanese Government-General had not kept the military collections on file. Besides, they were reluctant to make Korean's learn the professional knowledge and so the main reference materials of technology not provited. Most of the Libraries put practiced in circulation services were very important circulation in withinder of the reading room rather than in outside of the Library building. On the other hand, their circulation services has above came with many limitations. As stated above, the public Libraries' managements and activitives under the period of Japanese Rule were the way and means to achive the colonial and imperialistic purpose of the Japanese Empire.

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A Study on the Ordinance on Landscape Composition by Korean Local Government - Focused on the Present State in Comparison with Japanese Local Government - (한국 지방자치단체 경관형성관련조례에 관한 연구 - 일본지방자치단체와 비교고찰을 통하여 -)

  • Seo, Ju-Hwan;Park, Dae-Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Rural Planning
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    • v.11 no.1 s.26
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    • pp.25-33
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    • 2005
  • This study conducted a comparative analysis on ordinances on landscape composition by local governments, which are a part of the policy to activate landscape composition, by examining the cases of Korea and Japan. For the purpose of specialized landscape compositions according to the own characteristics of Korean local governments, this study suggests factors to consider on the enactment of ordinance on landscape composition as follows. First, in order to compose landscape with an unique figure of the local government, it is required to collect and analyze informations about the local landscape, to provide consistent programs of education and publicity related to the landscape composition and to encourage the involvement of local citizens and reward it. Second, the construction of the ordinance needs to build a plan of landscape composition for each district focused on the landscape composition, to introduce a system which enables self-designation of an ordinance, to establish a detailed guidance, to assign the duty to keep the guidance and regulate punishment in case of a violation of the guidance. It could be done by completing the common or basic elements on the construction of the ordinance on landscape composition.

A Case Study of Japanese Local Self-Governments Universal Design Policy (일본 자치체의 유니버설디자인 정책 사례연구)

  • Lee, Ho-Soong
    • Archives of design research
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    • v.19 no.1 s.63
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    • pp.27-38
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    • 2006
  • Recently, in each local self-governments Japan, the importation of universal design policy is actively being expanded as a plan to maximize living satisfaction of.citizens within the region. This research investigates the background on how the local self-governments ended up importing the universal design administrative policy, investigates the policies which each self governing bodies have been promoting and presents necessary stipulations following those policies. When we sum up the necessity of promoting universal design by local self-governments, although the we carry various problems in the promoting process in the settlement of provincial era and promoting substantiality of it, we can point out the low birth rate phenomenon, progression of aged people's society, diversification of values as a result of social and economic maturity, etc. as social and economic background. For people's values, as they escape from the economic they attach great importance to economic supremacy, they respect culture, environment, etc. with higher level than economic aspect and the improvement of life's quality is becoming important. Meanwhile, the universal design which is known to many users as a usable design concept as reach to a point where it is getting attention as a basic concept of 21st century design. Today, each of local self-governments in Japan are making various efforts for unperturbed importation and application of universal design to local communities through homepage, universal design guideline or report, various workshops, etc. Especially, there are universal design policies of public areas, facilities, manufacture of other products and information for the contents of the policy. The enforcement of universal design policy puts importance in 1) the process of planning, alteration, policy scheme and decision making 2) the process of policy's enforcement 3) the probation process of all processes and I could find out that equal participation of roles by local citizens, citizen's organizations, companies with the administration hasn't been adopted for each of these processes.

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The process of modernization of Geomundo during Japanese colonial period : focused on social structure (일제강점기 거문도 근대화 과정 -사회구조를 중심으로 -)

  • Park, Min Joung;Park, Soon Ho
    • Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.36-48
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    • 2016
  • This paper analyzed the process of modernization in terms of the social structure in Geomundo. Before modernization, social structure in Geomundo was traditional society by a village unit. A village had community rituals and organization. There were independent parallel spatial structure among villages. In the early Japanese colonial period, 'forced modernization' had been occurred by Japanese immigrants settling in a separate living space. The modernization was transplanted in a new established village and diffused into other villages. In the process of forced modernization, the connection among villages was reinforced, as the result of that modern social organization was emerged, and the characteristics of community rituals had been changed. During modernization indigenization period, advanced fishery technology and distribution system occurred capitalist production system helping to place modern norms in the general daily life. In the late Japanese colonial period, aided organizations from local government and informal organizations reversed the trend of modernization through helping colonial exploitation policy. The spatial structure in Geomundo had become to hierarchical structure with intensified connectivity as the result of extensive spread of community territory. Modernization in Japanese colonial period was 'forced modernization' and could not re-established the community spirits. The community spirit has been broken up by dissolving the existing self regulating and self motivated organization.

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Improvement of State Ownership of Excavated Cultural Heritage System and Establishment of Policy Direction (발굴매장문화재 국가귀속제도의 정책 개선방안 연구)

  • Kim, Jong soo
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.49 no.1
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    • pp.22-43
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    • 2016
  • State Ownership of Excavated Cultural Heritage System was originated from the legislations concerning cultural objects during the Japanese colonial period (1910~1945) and was succeeded by the present Buried Cultural Properties Act enacted in 2011. Despite the importance of the system that completes the outcomes of excavations and determines the state-owned cultural properties, the foundation of national heritage, it has been limitedly regarded as administrative area and neglected by the academic scholars or policy researchers. Recently the traditional culture has drawn increasing domestic interest and awareness that the cultural heritage contributes to building cultural identity and vitalizing tourism has led to increasing the demand of a local government's role in management of the state-designated cultural heritage and even fighting for hegemony in securing the cultural objects between the central and local governments. Despite the continuing efforts for improving the selection process of cultural heritage and its management institution, establishment of an advanced objective system has been requested. This paper is intended to suggest the policy direction through demonstrating the problem and assignment caused in the process of implementing the Buried Cultural Properties Act and reviews the State Ownership of Excavated Cultural Heritage System from the legal point of view accordingly. First, I suggest improving the selection process of the state-owned cultural properties. Even though current law states that Administrator of Cultural Heritage Administration reviews the research reports and selects the possible candidates for the state-owned cultural properties almost all the cultural objects listed on the reports are practically selected. In this regard, two possible resolutions can be made; newly establishing a separate process for selecting the state-owned cultural properties after publishing the report or adding the selection process of the state-owned cultural properties during the heritage selection meeting. Either way should contribute to strengthening the impartiality and objectivity of the policy. My second suggestion is improving the operating system of the heritage selection meeting in which the cultural properties to be listed on the reports are determined. Given the present extensive assessment criteria, there is much room for certain experts' subjective opinions. Therefore, in order to enhance the fairness and credibility of the heritage selection meeting, specifying the assessment criteria and advance review of the expert list are necessary. Third, this paper suggests increasing the local government's role in management of the state-owned cultural heritage and diversifying the heritage management institution. Development of a local self-governing system has led to the increased demand for delegating the authority of the state-owned heritage management to the local governments. Along with this, the gradual improvements of public museum management raises the need for expanding the cultural benefits through increasing the local government's role in management of the state-owned heritage. Considering the fact that overall majority of the art collections housed at national or public museums is owned by the central government, developing a variety of heritage contents and vitalizing the heritage tourism are crucial. The true meaning and value of the state-owned cultural heritage hidden at the storage of a museum can be found when they are shared together with the public.

The Tourism Development Plan of Muan County in relation to the Construction of the Um International Airport (무안 국제공항 건설에 따른 주변지역 관광개발 방안)

  • 이덕안
    • Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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    • v.1 no.1
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    • pp.173-191
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    • 1998
  • The Purpose of this study is to Present the tourism development Plan of Muan County in relation to the establishment of the Muau international Airport. This study criticizes the stereotypical tourism development plans carried out by numerous loyal self-governments. The highest purpose of tourism is to create an experience that cannot be had In a Person's daily life. Tourism development in Muan must be loyal to this philosophy of tourism. This study raises three key questions: What is the nature of tourism\ulcorner; For whom is tourism developed\ulcorner , Why is tourism being developed\ulcorner The answers to the three key questions are very basic ones. but are not being fulfilled in the tourism development of Korea, as fellows. Firstly, tourism development should be carried out to strengthen the special characteristics of tourism resources. Secondly, tourism development should encourage the participation of local residents within the Process, and it should be helpful to the local industry and the resident's income. lastly, the development should refrain from relying heavily on money-making businesses but seek to enrich the lives of visitors and hosts together. This study presents five distinctive tourism development schemes for Muan. They are as follows: the establishment of a scenic byway leading to the Airport: the development of Hoeshan lotus reservoir as a tourist resort for Buddhists and as a traditional health care center: the utilization of the .Japanese military airport relics as an historical and cultural tourist attraction: the establishment of a salt-water spa complex: and the vitalization of agricultural tourism by utilizing the advantage of the Muan international Airport.

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Korean Art from the view of foreigners in Korea from the period of independence to 1950s (광복 후부터 1950년대까지 한국에서 활동한 외국인이 본 한국미술)

  • Cho, Eun-Jung
    • The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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    • no.4
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    • pp.123-144
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    • 2006
  • Foreigners who arrived in Korea after the age of enlightenment were Japanese, Chinese and 'Westerners' who were Europeans and Americans. The westerners were diplomats who visited Korea for colonization or for increasing their economical profits by trading after the spread of imperialism, and tourists curious of back countries, artists, explores and missionaries to perform their roles for their religious beliefs. They contacted with Korean cultural and educational people as missionaries and instructors during Japanese colonial period. In 1945, the allied forces occupied Korea under the name of takeover of Japanese colony after Japan's surrender and the relation between foreigners and Korean cultured men enter upon a new phase. For 3 years, American soldiers enforced lots of systems in Korea and many pro-American people were educated. This relationship lasted even after the establishment of the government of Korean Republic and especially, diplomats called as pro-Korean group came again after Korean War. Among them, there were lots of foreigners interested in cultures and arts. In particular, government officials under American Forces who were influential on political circles or diplomats widened their insights toward Korean cultural assets and collected them a lot. Those who were in Korea from the period of independence to 1950s wrote their impressions about Korean cultural assets on newspapers or journals after visiting contemporary Korean exhibitions. Among them, A. J. McTaggart, Richard Hertz and the Hendersons were dominant. They thought the artists had great interests in compromising and uniting the Orient and the West based on their knowledge of Korean cultural assets and they advised. However, it was different from Korean artist's point of view that the foreigners thought Korean art adhered oriental features and contained western contents. From foreigners' point of view, it is hard to understand the attitude Korean artists chose to keep their self-respect through experiencing the Korean war. It is difficult to distinguish their thought about Korean art based on their exotic taste from the Korean artists' local and peninsular features under Japanese imperialism. We can see their thought about Korean art and their viewpoint toward the third world, after staying in Korea for a short period and being a member of the first world. The basic thing was that they could see the potentialities through the worldwide, beautiful Korean cultural assets and they thought it was important to start with traditions. It is an evidence showing Korean artists' pride in regard to the art culture through experiencing the infringement of their country. By writing about illuminating Korean art from the third party's view, foreigners represented their thoughts through it that their economical, military superiority goes with their cultural superiority. The Korean artist's thought of emphasizing Korean history and traditions, reexamining and using it as an original creation may have been inspired by westerners' writings. 'The establishment of national art' that Korean artists gave emphasis then, didn't only affect one of the reactions toward external impact, 'the adhesion of tradition'. In the process of introducing Korean contemporary art and national treasure in America, different view caused by role differences-foreigner as selector and Korean as assistant-showed the fact evidently that the standard of beauty differed between them. By emphasizing that the basis to classify Korean cultural assets is different from the neighborhood China and Japan, they tried to reflect their understanding that the feature of Korean art is on speciality other than universality. And this make us understand that even when Korean artists profess modernism, they stress that the roots are on Korean and oriental tradition. It was obviously a different thought from foreigners' view on Korean art that Korean artists' conception of modernism and traditional roots are inherent in Korean history. In 1950s, after the independence, Korea had different ideas from foreigners that abstract was to be learned from the west. Korea was enduring tough times with their artists' self-respect which made them think that they can learn the method, but the spirit of abstract is in the orient.

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Smart City Energy Inclusion, Towards Becoming a Better Place to Live

  • Cha, Sang-Ryong
    • World Technopolis Review
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    • v.8 no.1
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    • pp.59-70
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    • 2019
  • Where is a better place to live? In the coming era, this should be more than simply a livable place. It should be an adaptable place that has a flexible system adaptable to any new situation in terms of diversity. Customization and real-time operation are needed in order to realize this technologically. We expect a smart city to have a flexible system that applies technologies of self-monitoring and self-response, thereby being a promising city model towards being a better place to live. Energy demand and supply is a crucial issue concerning our expectations for the flexible system of a smart city because it is indispensable to comfortable living, especially city living. Although it may seem that energy diversification, such as the energy mix of a country, is a matter of overriding concern, the central point is the scale of place to build grids for realizing sustainable urban energy systems. A traditional hard energy path supported by huge centralized energy systems based on fossil and nuclear fuels on a national scale has already faced difficult problems, particularly in terms of energy flexibility/resilience. On the other hand, an alternative soft energy path consisting of small diversified energy systems based on renewable energy sources on a local scale has limitations regarding stability, variability, and supply potential despite the relatively light economic/technological burden that must be assumed to realize it. As another alternative, we can adopt a holonic path incorporating an alternative soft energy path with a traditional hard energy path complimentarily based on load management. This has a high affinity with the flexible system of a smart city. At a system level, the purpose of all of the paths mentioned above is not energy itself but the service it provides. If the expected energy service is fixed, the conclusive factor in choosing a more appropriate system is accessibility to the energy service. Accessibility refers to reliability and affordability; the former encompasses the level of energy self-sufficiency, and the latter encompasses the extent of energy saving. From this point of view, it seems that the small diversified energy systems of a soft energy path have a clear advantage over the huge centralized energy systems of a hard energy path. However, some insuperable limitations still remain, so it is reasonable to consider both energy systems continuing to coexist in a multiplexing energy system employing a holonic path to create and maintain reliable and affordable access to energy services that cover households'/enterprises' basic energy needs. If this is embodied in a smart city concept, this is nothing else but smart energy inclusion. In Japan, following the Fukushima nuclear accident in 2011, a trend towards small diversified energy systems of a soft energy path intensified in order to realize a nuclear-free society. As a result, the Government of Japan proclaimed in its Fifth Strategic Energy Plan that renewable energy must be the main source of power in Japan by 2050. Accordingly, Sony vowed that all the energy it uses would come from renewable sources by 2040. In this situation, it is expected that smart energy inclusion will be achieved by the Japanese version of a smart grid based on the concept of a minimum cost scheme and demand response.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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