• Title/Summary/Keyword: History of Goryeo

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오장상섭(五臟相涉)의 측면에서 살펴본 사암침법(舍岩鍼法)의 억관(抑官)과 보관(補官) (Self-controller of Saam Acupuncture Viewed from the Aspect of the Five Viscera Interaction)

  • 오준호
    • Korean Journal of Acupuncture
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    • 제28권3호
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    • pp.127-140
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    • 2011
  • Objectives : The aim of this study is to regulate the medical meaning about Kwan [self-denial] which is used by Jeongkyeok [reinforcing the weak body part] and Seungkyeok [consolidating the weak body part while inducing cathartic action of comparatively stronger body part] of Saam Acupuncture in common. Methods : This study generalized the method of understanding 'The Five Viscera Interaction' in Oriental Medicine from the perspective of literature and considering human organs in the medical context. Results and Conclusions : 1. There existed 'The Five Viscera Interaction' theory regulating the correlation between the five viscera headed by "Nankyeong" in the traditional Oriental medicine. The five viscera interaction theory was used as the standard of judging the symptom and the prognosis of a disease in the history of Oriental medicine and further used even as the method of preventing and treating diseases. 2. The treatment included in "Biyebaekyobang", a medical book in the period of Goryeo, can be rated as the most developmental form of medical theory which applied 'the five viscera interaction theory' to clinical treatment. The author of "Biyebaekyobang" managed to break away from the schematism of the five viscera interaction through the method of treating two internal organs using one organ treatment and applying the individually different relations between organs. "Biyebaekyobang" shows close similarities to Saam Acupuncture. 3. The organs handled in Saam Acupuncture has a significance in that it put forward the part which had not been aggressively dealt with in medical history up until then.

담암(淡庵) 백문보(白文寶)의 역사의식 (Dam am Baek-Moonbo's Historical Awareness)

  • 정성식
    • 한국철학논집
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    • 제53호
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    • pp.9-33
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    • 2017
  • 본 논문의 목적은 고려후기 급변하는 시대상황에서 삶을 영위한 백문보의 역사의식을 재조명하여 그 속에 함의되어 있는 사상적 특성을 고찰하는데 있다. 백문보는 권부와 백이정의 영향으로 유교에 관심을 갖게 되었으며, 유교의 경전에 입각하여 나라를 근심하고 백성을 구휼하려는 자세로 낡은 제도를 개선하는데 많은 노력을 기울였다. 백문보는 공리와 화복의 학설을 따르지 않고 유교경전으로 돌아갈 것과 불교에 대한 교단적 비판을 통해 배불숭유론을 전개하며, 토지제도를 비롯한 제 모순을 척결하는 등 국가적 차원에서 유교사회로의 전환을 시도하였다. 또한 그는 당시 정책의 문제점들을 정확히 파악하고 그 개선방안을 제시함으로써 민생안정을 도모하였다. 백문보의 변통적 시무정책론은 무엇보다 유교적 사회구조 속에서 근본이 되는 백성의 삶을 시대적 적합성에 따라 가장 효율적으로 실현시키기 위한 사회변화의 방법으로서 중요한 의미를 지니는 것이었다. 백문보는 당시 백성들의 입장을 적극적으로 대변하려 하였고, 백성들을 고통과 도탄에 빠뜨리고 있는 권세가들의 전횡을 적극적으로 비판하는 그의 태도는 고려후기 신진사류들의 사상적 입장과 그 궤를 같이 하는 것이었다.

회암사(檜巖寺) 수조명분(修造名分)의 변화와 종교적 해법의 유사구조 - 자장(慈藏)의 영향을 중심으로 - (A Study on the Change of Cause for Rebuilding of Hoeamsa and Analogous Structure of Religious Solution - focusing on Jajang's Influence -)

  • 염중섭
    • 건축역사연구
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    • 제23권3호
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    • pp.7-19
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    • 2014
  • The temple Hoeamsa(檜巖寺) was repaired by Naong(懶翁), and with this the power of the temple became far greater to be the greatest Buddhist temple during late Goryeo and early Joseon. Naong's reconstruction of Hoeamsa was originated from Jigong(指空)'s teaching 'Samsan Yangsu(三山兩水).' But it is not clear whether Samsan Yangsu really meant Hoeamsa. By the way, after 14 years, Naong suddenly remembered this word and began to repair Hoeamsa in a large scale. From this, we can guess that Naong tried to give the contemporary Buddhism some change through the repair of Hoeamsa. But, as King Gongmin(恭愍王) the greatest supporter of Naong was suddenly assassinated, the political situation changed a lot and Naong also died unexpectedly. Naong's death brought out the critical sense to Hoeamsa and, in the process to resolve the crisis, the repair of Hoeamsa began to be justified through diverse religious factors. As these were expanded and developed on and one, Hoeamsa came to be honored as the most divine temple in Korea during the early Joseon dynasty. Furthermore, into the cause structure for the Naong's repair of Hoeamsa, the influence of Jajang was added through Odaesan Buddhism. As we can well understand, late Silla situation of Jajang and the late Goryeo of Naong were very similar and the both Buddhist leaders should have derived out some religious solution for them. In other words, both of them had a similar recognition in finding the religious solution for the contemporary crises. It becomes a way to understand the Hoeamsa repairing structure taken by Naong and his disciples. Therefore, by comparing the similar religious solution structures given by Jajang and Naong and by clearer understanding on Samsan Yangsu spirit, we can see the repair of Hoeamsa and the related aspects more accurately.

회암사(檜巖寺) 수조명분(修造名分)의 변화와 종교적 해법의 유사구조 - 자장(慈藏)의 영향을 중심으로 - (Change in Repairing Cause of Hoeamsa(檜巖寺) and Influence of Jajang(慈藏))

  • 염중섭
    • 건축역사연구
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    • 제23권4호
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    • pp.35-46
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    • 2014
  • The temple Hoeamsa(檜巖寺) was repaired by Naong(懶翁), and with this the power of the temple became far greater to be the greatest Buddhist temple during late Goryeo and early Joseon. Naong's reconstruction of Hoeamsa was originated from Jigong(指空)'s teaching 'Samsan Yangsu(三山兩水)'. But it is not clear whether Samsan Yangsu really meant Hoeamsa. By the way, after 14 years, Naong suddenly remembered this word and began to repair Hoeamsa in a large scale. From this, we can guess that Naong tried to give the contemporary Buddhism some change through the repair of Hoeamsa. But, as King Gongmin(恭愍王) the greatest supporter of Naong was suddenly assassinated, the political situation changed a lot and Naong also died unexpectedly. Naong's death brought out the critical sense to Hoeamsa and, in the process to resolve the crisis, the repair of Hoeamsa began to be justified through diverse religious factors. As these were expanded and developed on and one, Hoeamsa came to be honored as the most divine temple in Korea during the early Joseon dynasty. Furthermore, into the cause structure for the Naong's repair of Hoeamsa, the influence of Jajang was added through Odaesan Buddhism. As we can well understand, late Silla situation of Jajang and the late Goryeo of Naong were very similar and the both Buddhist leaders should have derived out some religious solution for them. In other words, both of them had a similar recognition in finding the religious solution for the contemporary crises. It becomes a way to understand the Hoeamsa repairing structure taken by Naong and his disciples. Therefore, by comparing the similar religious solution structures given by Jajang and Naong and by clearer understanding on Samsan Yangsu spirit, we can see the repair of Hoeamsa and the related aspects more accurately.

문헌에 수록된 전약(煎藥)에 관한 연구 (Study on Jeonyak in the Bibliography)

  • 강유정;정현숙;유맹자
    • 한국식생활문화학회지
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    • 제26권6호
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    • pp.621-628
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    • 2011
  • This study was aimed at research on Jeonyak (煎藥) appearing in the bibliography. It was during the Goryeo Dynasty that Jeonyak was first mentioned in literature. At this time, Jeonyak was served for consumption during Palgwanhoe. The ingredients and recipes of Jeonyak were listed for the first time in Suunjapbang, a book written by Kim Yu during the Joseon Dynasty. Since then, they have been found in various books and materials. During the Joseon Dynasty, Jeonyak was made in Neuiwon, a medical administrative organization in the palace, and administered as a seasonal food on Dongji Day in the winter. The king gave various to his guests or subjects as special gifts. As a result, Jeonyak became well known to many people and even to those in foreign countries. Jeonyak is a Korean traditional medicated diet food made from decocted beef-feet, bone stock, and other spices, including jujube paste, honey, ginger, pepper, clove, and cinnamon. Jeonyak has a long 800-year history, and its ingredients and recipes have changed only gradually. Milk was a major ingredient of Jeonyak during the Goryeo Dynasty, but glue and gelatin were added in the Joseon Dynasty. Since then, recipes have mainly used gelatin made from beef-feet, skin, beef-bone, and so on. In conclusion, Jeonyak has an 800-year history as a special medicated diet food (藥膳) served seasonally on Dongji Day in the winter.

무민공(武愍公) 최형(崔瑩)의 언행(言行) 기록(記錄) 속 문학(文學) 고찰 - 산문(散文) 작품(作品)을 중심으로 - (A Study on the Literature of Mumingong(武愍公) Choi Young(崔瑩) in the History)

  • 이연순
    • 동양고전연구
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    • 제69호
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    • pp.147-178
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    • 2017
  • 본고는 문집이 남아 있지 않지만 그 행적으로 후대에 많이 알려진 무민공(武愍公) 최형(崔瑩)의 문학에 대해 고찰하고자 시도되었다. 현재 무민공(武愍公)의 문집이 남아 있지 않고, 시조 작품 몇 수만이 그 문학으로 추정되고 있는바, 기존에 이러한 무민공(武愍公)의 문학에 대해 무민공(武愍公)을 둘러싼 설화나, 다른 문인들의 문집에 수록된 제문과 시문 등을 바탕으로, 무민공(武愍公) 주변의 연구 성과는 상당하였다. 그러나 정작 무민공(武愍公) 자신의 문학은 뒷전이 되어 왔다는 데 문제의식을 갖고. 본고에서는 현재 무민공(武愍公)의 언행(言行) 기록과 관련해 찾아볼 수 있는 자료 "고려사(高麗史)"의 세가(世家)와 열전(列傳), 그리고 "고려사절요(高麗史節要)"와 "태조실록(太祖實錄)", "동사강목(東史綱目)", "신증동국여지승람(新增東國輿地勝覽)", "연려실기술(燃藜室記述)" 등에서 무민공(武愍公)의 산문(散文)을 추출해보았다. 이로써 무민공(武愍公) 문학의 일면을 고찰할 수 있었다. 그 결과 무민공(武愍公)의 산문(散文) 작품으로, 신돈(辛旽)의 무고(誣告)로 계림윤(鷄林尹)에 좌천(左遷)되어 토로한 탄식문(歎息文), 제주(濟州) 토벌(討伐)에 나서 나주(羅州)에 당도해 쓴 맹약서(盟約書), 제주목사(濟州牧使) 박윤청(朴允淸)을 설득하려 보낸 서간문(書簡文), 천도(遷都) 반대의 뜻을 밝힌 의론문(議論文)들과, 홍산(鴻山) 전투(戰鬪)에 나서겠다는 뜻의 계문(?文), 강화도(江華道) 패북(敗北)의 참담함 표출과 그 방비(防備) 대책(對策)을 위한 계문(?文), 그리고 우왕(禑王)을 향한 진심어린 간언(諫言) 등을 무민공(武愍公)의 문학으로 새로 발견할 수 있었다. 문집이 남아 있지 않은 상황에서, 이러한 공적 기록에 들어 있는 무민공(武愍公)의 산문(散文) 작품들조차 제대로 조명 받지 못했다는 점을 고려할 때 본고의 시도는 한 의의가 있다고 여겨진다. 이러한 성과를 바탕으로 당대 또는 후대 문인들의 문집에서 무민공(武愍公)의 행적과 관련해 그 인물됨을 역사적으로 평가한 시각에 대해 새롭게 의의를 부여하는 연구가 이어질 수 있기를 기대한다.

전남지역 석탑의 출현과 특성 (Beginning and Characteristics of Stone pagoda in Jeonnam Region)

  • 천득염
    • 건축역사연구
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    • 제23권1호
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    • pp.33-50
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    • 2014
  • Formative and structural characteristics of stone pagoda in Jeonnam area are known in largely two flows. One is that characteristic of stone pagoda in Jeonnam area of the Unified Silla is shown in eastern Jeonnam and some southern Jeonnam. But it is not shown in surroundings of Yeongsan river. Another is that besides stone pagoda in Silla style where social aspects of Goryeo are reflected, stone pagoda in Baekje style appeared. On the other hand, stone brick pagoda and non-typical stone pagoda appeared. These stone pagodas were developed mainly in north and west of Jeonnam, and could be classified in pure Baekje style and a cross style according to formative and structural characteristics. Stone brick pagoda is extant in Wolnamsa site and Woonjusa in Chungcheong and Jella areas which are old places of Baekje.

방연(方椽)이 표현된 승탑의 용례와 특징에 관한 연구 (A Study on the Use and Features of Bangyeon on the Seungtap)

  • 조현정;김왕직
    • 건축역사연구
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    • 제26권2호
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    • pp.7-14
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    • 2017
  • Rafter is a member for roof and plays a role in protecting shaft members under rafter such as pillar, beam and girder from natural environment and to fix by supporting finished materials of roof. It is common in the Korean architecture that rafter cross-section is paired with circular form and Buyeon cross-section is paired with the square shape. However, while there are not many, some architectures have rafter end header in the square shape. The aim of this study is to examine the square shape cases of rafter end header with special reference to stone structure. As a result, among stone structure related to Bangyeon, the majority case is seen at Palgakwondang type Seungtap. It was shown in the Seungtap of monk of Gusanseonmun school in the later Unified Silla to the early Goryeo period that succeeded Seodang Jijang.

고려 나전국화넝쿨무늬상자의 제작기법 고찰 및 원형 연구 (A study on the production techniques and prototype of the mother-of-pearl chrysanthemum pattern box from the Goryeo Dynasty)

  • 이희승;이민혜;김성훈;이현주
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제57권1호
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    • pp.126-144
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    • 2024
  • 고려시대 나전국화넝쿨무늬상자는 미세한 자개표면에 문양을 세기거나, 금속선을 이용해 넝쿨의 줄기를 표현하고, 금속선을 꼬아 각 문양의 경계를 구성하는 등 고려나전칠기의 대표적인 특징이 아주 세밀하게 표현되어있다. 현재 남아있는 고려시대 나전칠기는 경함 및 합의 형태를 가지고 있는 반면 이번 연구대상인 나전국화넝쿨무늬상자는 뚜껑과 몸체가 분리되는 상자의 형태를 하고 있어 제작목적 혹은 보관된 내용물을 추정하기 어려웠다. 이번 연구에서는 나전국화넝쿨무늬상자의 원형을 확인하기 위해 조형적인 특징을 확인하고, X선 투과촬영과 X선 형광분석을 통해 구조와 제작기법에 대해 규명하고자 하였다. 그리고 기존에 알려진 고려시대 나전칠기를 유형별로 분류 및 비교분석해 상자의 용도와 제작목적을 규명하고자 하였다. 조사결과 X선 이미지 상 바닥면과 속상자에서 직물이 확인되었다. 이를 통해 기물을 직물로 감싸는 목심저피칠기기법이 사용된 것을 확인할 수 있었다. 그리고 목리를 통해 복원부분으로 추정되는 부분의 판재구성과 기존 장석이 있었을 것으로 추정되는 부분을 확인할 수 있었으며 결구부에서 맞대임 방식으로 연결한 것을 확인할 수 있었다. 문양에 사용된 금속선은 X선 형광분석 결과 황동으로 판단된다. 조사결과를 근거로 현재 남아있는 고려시대 경함류 9점, 상자류 3점, 소상자류 2점 등 총 14점을 유형별로 분류해 유사성을 조사하였다. 이중 일본 개인소장 국화넝쿨무늬경함, 도쿠가와미술관 흑칠지국당초문나전경상, 영국박물관의 나전국당초문경함, 국내소장 나전칠국당초문합(소상자) 등 5점의 문양구성이 본 연구대상과 가장 유사하였다. 그리고 손상양상, 조형적 특성, 구조적 특징 등을 부위별로 대조한 결과 영국박물관의 나전국당초문경함의 형태가 나전넝쿨무늬상자의 원형으로 현재 형태로 변형된 것으로 추정된다. 마지막으로 이번 상자의 용도, 즉 제작목적을 확인하기 위해 당시 고려의 사회분위기와 비슷한 시기 제작된 고려대장경 인경본의 사례를 조사하였다. 당시 무신정권 이후 몽골의 침입을 겪으면서 국가의 안정과 개인의 명복을 빌기 위한 사경이 출현, 그리고 13세기 국내 인쇄술과 종이의 발전으로 점차 두루마리에서 절첩식 형태로의 전환기와 맞물려 경함에서 상자의 형태로 보관방식이 변경된 것으로 판단된다.

조선조 의학유서 편찬에 사용된 참고의서 고찰 (A Study on the Medical Reference Books Used in the Medical Compilations of the Joseon Dynasty)

  • 안상우
    • 한국의사학회지
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    • 제33권2호
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    • pp.105-127
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    • 2020
  • The three major medical compilations of the Joseon Dynasty, Hyangyak-jipseongbang, Uibang-yuchwi, and Dongui-bogam, directly cited a total of 376 kinds of medical books. Among them, 11 medical books were commonly referred: Gyeongheom-yangbang, Deukyobang, Saminbang, Seonmyeongnon, Seongje-chongnok, Seonghyebang, Eoui-chwaryo, Yeongnyu-geombang, Wisaeng-bogam, Cheongeumbang, and Tangaek-boncho. Most of them were medical classics and formularies representing the period from the Song to the early Ming Dynasties, which most likely influenced the establishment of Joseon's medical tradition throughout the Joseon Dynasty. The reason why the majority of the medical reference books was formularies seems to be that prescription practices and the use of medicinals value knowledge with accumulated experience over a long period, whereas medical ideas and doctrines change with time. Besides, except for Eoui-chwaryo compiled in the Goryeo Dynasty, the three significant compilations referred to Chinese medical books, which indicates that the compilers made efforts to accommodate the newly introduced foreign knowledge. At the same time, the former compilations, Hyangyak-jipseongbang and Uibang-yuchwi, later appeared as primary references in Dongui-bogam's Medical Formularies of Successive Generations. However, in order to avoid overlapping the same contents, the compilers tried to form a differentiated version by extracting only the unique contents.