• Title/Summary/Keyword: Heaven-Human-Nature-Order

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A Study on medical Qigong mentioned in ${\ll}$Samilshingo${\gg}$ (三一神誥) (${\ll}$삼일신고(三一神誥)${\gg}$에 나타난 의료기공(醫療氣功)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Ban, Chang-Yul
    • Journal of Korean Medical Ki-Gong Academy
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    • v.7 no.2
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    • pp.40-94
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    • 2004
  • Recently, meditation, Zen meditation and Qigong became popular in western. For that reason, Value of Korea traditional methods for health promotion have been evaluated but theoretical evidence about that is insufficient. ${\ll}$The Yellow Emperor's Inner Classic${\gg}$ (黃帝內經). So, I reviewed history of Korea Qigong according to period, in order to produce theoretical evidence of Korea medical Qigong and investigated ${\ulcorner}$Han${\lrcorner}$ thought (${\ulcorner}$${\lrcorner}$ 思想) as theoretical evidence of Korea Qigong. I have obtained following results by comparing meaning of god, a view of human body and practice method of the ${\ll}$Samilshingo${\gg}$ (三一神誥) with ${\ll}$The Yellow Emperor's Inner Classic${\gg}$ (黃帝內經). Sinsundo(神仙道) of native to race became active during the period of the Three Kingdoms but more disappeared due to under the influence of Taoism. So only has been remained in existence since the period of the unity silla. There could accept positively the foreign ideas belonging to Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism have been brought since the period of the Three Kingdoms because ${\ll}$Samilshingo${\gg}$ (三一神誥), one of three the scriptures as the origin of ${\ulcorner}$Han${\lrcorner}$ thought(${\ulcorner}$${\lrcorner}$ 思想) included the original form of three religion belonging to Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism. Three common results as theoretical evidence of Qigong were found out by comparing ${\ll}$Samilshingo${\gg}$ (三一神誥) with ${\ll}$The Yellow Emperor's Inner Classic${\gg}$ (黃帝內經). First, in meaning of god, there is not only different from the gods of heaven and the gods of human but also keep understanding with each other and there was common feature of logical structure that function of god was divided into three. Second, In a view of human body, there were in common with ${\ll}$Samilshingo${\gg}$ (三一神誥) as theory of only as energy(氣一元論), theory of bisection as truth false(眞妄二分論), theory of trisection as spirit(性) destiny(命) nature(精) and mind(心) energy(氣) body(身)(性 命 精, 心 氣 身의 三分論) and ${\ll}$The Yellow Emperor's Inner Classic${\gg}$ (黃帝內經) as theory of only as energy(氣一元論), theory of bisection as shape and god(形神二分論), theory of trisection as nature(精) energy(氣) god(神) or shape(形) energy(氣) god(神)(精 氣 神, 形 氣 神의 三分論) according to formal part. Also, spirit(性) destiny(命) nature(精) as truths of three(三眞) were understand as nature(精) energy(氣) god(神) as treasure of three(三寶) by part of reason and mind(心) energy(氣) body(身) as false of three(三妄) were understand as nature(精) energy(氣) god(神) as treasure of three(三寶) by part of function. Third, In practice method, pause of thinking(止感) modulation of breath(調息). prohibition of sensibility(禁觸) mentioned in ${\ll}$Samilshingo${\gg}$ (三一神誥) as practice method each were understand regulation of an etiological cause as an internal cause, an external cause and not internal and external cause in oriental medicine. Namely, pause of thinking(止感) was understand as regulation method of emotion, mind and nature. modulation of breath(調息) was not only as modulation of energy from the inner parts of the body but also that from the internal and external parts of the body, prohibition of sensibility(禁觸) was understand as regulation method of ear, eye, mouth, and nose and posture, life style. These results suggest that ${\ll}$Samilshingo${\gg}$ (三一神誥) is worth meaning of Korea medical Qigong because meaning of god, a view of human body, practice method of mentioned in ${\ll}$Samilshingo${\gg}$ (三一神誥) is common with that of ${\ll}$The Yellow Emperor's Inner Classic${\gg}$ (黃帝內經) as theoretical evidence of Qigong.

A Comparative Study on a New Religion, the Idea of the Gaebyok (신종교의 개벽사상 비교)

  • Shin, Jin-sik
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.56
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    • pp.81-117
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    • 2018
  • The purpose of this study is to clarify the overall features and its meaning of the Gaebyok(開闢) through the intercomparison of the Gaebyok idea that is the core idea of a newly risen modern religion in Korea. Limitation of most studies so far is that they have stayed in the fragmentary study on the Gaebyok idea of each new religion. In order to overcome this problem, first of all, the Gaebyok idea was studied from a philosophical point encompassing the cosmological view of time in the book of changes. And based on this methodological foundation, with organizing the existing result of study, the process of development and characteristics in the Gaebyok idea of a posteriori Donghak(東學), Right I Ching (正易), Won Buddhism(圓佛敎), and Kangjeungsan(姜甑山) was investigated respectively. And through comparing and analyzing each Gaebyok idea, the similarities and differences between each other were organized. The founders of new religions thought that a great change in the universal and natural luck was made before and after the point of their living. The concept of the frequency of revolution theory is the concept to explain the aspect of transition according to the frequency of revolution(運度) of the cosmological nature that returns to the beginning, and in the idea of the posterior Gaebyok, this content and concepts is contained as it was. This study showed that the concept of the frequency of revolution theory in an apriority and a posterior like those becomes appeared in some preaches of Suun, Ilbu, Sotaesan and Jeungsan. An apriority in the Gaebyok idea of new religion is the world of crisis that represents the limited condition of human being, and a posterity means the religious ideal world realized through the power of the absolute being or a dramatic universal change from that limited circumstances. So the Gaebyok ida is a kind of an universal eschatology and religious view that expects the coming of ideal world in the future. In addition, since the universal eschatology is a kind of a view of time, it inevitably has an issue how long time apriority and a posterity included in it have. And especially, it becomes to premise the content how the social condition and human condition change in an apriority and a posterity. Accordingly, in this study, based on the understanding of the view of time in the cosmological level, the content of answers that each newly risen religion discloses was listed and analyzed with comparison. It can be considered that Suun took charge of a mission to deliver the message through being possessed of a god in heaven who is able to be called a transcendental existence, Ilbu disclosed the coming of the world of a posterity beyond an apriority through the Book of Changes(易學), Jeungsan proclaimed himself as the absolute being who could make such a posterity and bring it, and Sotaesan proposed the Gaebyok of mind in order to meet with the world of a posterity and to live in that era.

Yeoheon's Recognition of Geography and the Significance of the Compilation of Geographical Records by His Disciples (여헌(旅軒) 장현광(張顯光)의 지리인식(地理認識)과 문인(門人)들의 지지편찬(地誌編纂) 의의)

  • Choi, Wonsuk
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.49
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    • pp.73-107
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    • 2012
  • Yeoheon Jang Hyeongwang(1554-1637), one of the greatest Mid-Joseon Confucianists did systematic studies on universe and nature. It can be considered that he inherited the academic tradition of Cho Sik (曺植) and Jeong Gu(鄭逑) and followed their steps of fengshui (風水) and compilation of geographical records. His living and thought and deserve researching with regard to geographical studies. This paper attempts to analyze Yeoheon's recognition of geography in general. In other words, I shall prove that his view of geography is Neo-Confucian. At the same time, I shall discuss how he named people's residence, how he understanded the Joseon territory, what he thought about fengshui, and what significance the complication of geographical records by his disciples had. Yeoheon considered that land is composed of water, fire, earth, and rock, and understanded the land according to the theory of Zhouyi (周易). He analyzed geographic environments by the system of Zhouyi. His study of geography is basically intended for practical use, and as a result is necessary for people to choose where to live and where to cultivate. In his opinion, it is essential to divide the land of the Joseon by means of geographical differences in order to help people to find a better place to live. We can see his Confucian view from the fact that he placed a greater emphasis on human beings over nature. Therefore, the practical use for humans is the first priority in his study of geography. Meanwhile, he considered nature itself as only the object of study. He realized the vitality of life by making a close observation of nature and attained the mind of the Heaven and Earth in a detached way. He, as a follower of Neo-Confucianism, enjoyed the land by feeling comfortable with his present status and by being satisfied with himself. He put his Confucian view of universe and world into practice in his life. As a part of his efforts, he named his residence and surrounding natural environments with the polar star and 28 stars, and accordingly they are reconstructed in a system of universe. The Confucian tradition of dongcheon gugok (洞天九曲) starting with Zhu Xi's administration of wuyi jiugu (武夷九曲) was widely prevalent during the Joseon period, but Yeoheon's system of organizing places is original. His sense of naming places reflects his ideas of following his predecessors, comparing natural objects to human emotions, and desiring to live in retirement. Yeoheon understanded the Joseon territory with comparison of the Chinese land. He expressed his knowledge in the form of changing geographical features of a district, appreciating natural beauty, locating towns, and being familiar with a region, and proposing his own climatology and view of the reality. His recognition of the Joseon territory resolves itself into the following several points. He regarded the Joseon territory as one organism, and considered the territory to be composed of ki (氣) as Neo-Confucianists usually do. In addition, he understanded not only natural environments but also towns from a perspective of the fengshui and adopted a comparative methodology in dividing regions. He also applied climatology to analyze persons and customs. He employed the methodology of fengshui from the comprehensive theory of the Yijing. It is because he was influenced by Cho Sik and Jeng Gu. Yeoheon chose dwelling places for people, or gave advice on several places of his hometown relying on his knowledge of fengshui. When it comes to his theory of fengshui, he agreed with the theory of topography with regards to the fengshui of tombs, but criticized the custom of delaying funerals in order to turn fortune in one's favor. In addition, he accepted that it is necessary to complement a town by creating forests around it. We need to pay attention to the fact that Yeoheon's disciples complied several geographical records. It proves that they inherited the tradition of "valuing practical use and governing on behalf of the people" from Cho Sik and Jeong Gu. Yeoheon put a great emphasis on geographical records and encouraged his disciples to compile them. In other words, he emphasized that they, as administrator or intellectual, need to be erudite in the history and custom of a region where they have lived, and have to establish a standard to encourage or warn people in the region while considering the geographical records. His opinion functioned as a guideline for his successors to compile geographical records later. This paper only analyzed several facts with regard to Yeoheon's knowledge of geography and an academic tradition concerning the study of geography. In the future, I shall discuss how his predecessors and successors understanded geography and how the tradition of compiling geographical records was transferred and developed between them. I believe that this study will contribute to establishing the history of geography, which the Joseon Confucianists researched for a long time but we have not paid an enough attention to until now.

Landscape Configuration Reading of 'Jangseong Pilmaseowon' through the Recomposition of Landscape (경관적 재구성을 통한 '장성 필암서원' 경관짜임의 독해(讀解))

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Huh, Joon;Choi, Jong-Hee
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.32 no.2
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    • pp.42-54
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    • 2014
  • This study was conducted to identify landscaping elements such as location, situation and feng shui included in the spatiality of Jangseong Pilmaseowon and to interpret aesthetic features of visual-perceptual spatial composition according to its arrangement. As it is shown in 'Pilamseowon', 'Pilbongseowon', and 'Gimhaseoseowon' appearing in antique maps, the awareness considering 'Pilam' as 'Pilbong' and 'Gimhaseo' was revealed. Mountain Pilamsan[Mountain Munpilsan] which is the location of seowon and Pilam(Brush-shaped rock) is the core of establishment of location identity of Pilamseowon and the symbol of Haseo Kim In-hu, which shows that they are deeply related to Ingeoljiryeong(人傑地靈: 'a place derives reflected glory from an illustrious human') based on connection. Pilamseowon shows locational characteristics of living in stream(溪居) facing panoramic 'jeungsan field' without Ansan(案山). Based on the teachings of Neo-Confucianism, Village Maekdong which is the birth place of Haseo, Pilam, seowon geomancy considering the Danbonghamseo-type(丹鳳含書形) geographical shape, formative reflection, Pilmaseowon and structures revealed in building naming more clearly show symbolic landscaping features resulting from 'theory of 'Heaven-Man Unity'(天人合一)' representing the union of nature and haman, than other seowons. The maximization of centrality through connected yards constructed with the 'jeondang hujae(前堂後齋)' arrangement in the order of Whakyeon-lu, Chenogjeol-dang, Jindeak-jae or Sungui-jae, and Woodong-sa is a unique feature of spatial frame of Pilmaseowon. In addition, it reveals the centrality reinforced with 'the move of inner center through arrangement of Kyeongjang-kag and Kyesengbi inside 'YuSik(遊息)' space and religious space' and the landscaping arrangement of Pilmaseowon from installation and device for reinforcement of territoriality. Moreover, it was found that orders and aesthetic features based on Neo-Confucianism were logically realized in the formation of Pilmaseowon with visual and compositional landscaping arrangement such as 'reinforcement of view centrality through composition of windows and doors', 'securement of visual transparency through framing and duplication', and 'realization of hierarchy through height of jaesil toenmaru'. The meaning system and spatial or visual aesthetic features of Pilmaseowon newly arranged and interpreted through landscaping recomposition is not a coincidental but inevitable result. It is another resource basis and an element that can improve the internal exuberance of Pilamseowon. This landscaping reading study is expected to improve the understanding of landscapes of Pilmaseowon and elevate the sensibility of unrevealed cultural landscapes.