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Housewives' Knowledge Level of Herb Medicine and Its Related Factors (가정주부의 한약에 대한 지식수준과 관련요인)

  • Suh Ho-Suk;Nam Chul-Hyun;Park Chan-Woo;Kim Sung-Jin;Lee Mi-Kyung;Ha Eun-Pil
    • Journal of Society of Preventive Korean Medicine
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    • v.6 no.1
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    • pp.96-116
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    • 2002
  • This study was conducted to examine housewives' knowledge level of herb medicine and its related factors in Korea. Data were collected from 667 housewives from April 1, 1999 to June 30, 1999. The results of this study are summarized as follows. 1. According to general characteristics of the subjects, 29.1% of the subjects was over fifties. 28.6% was primary school graduate. while 25.5% was high school graduate. In case of job, the unemployed was 67.0% and professional/clerical worker was 19.6%. 82.0% had spouses and 45.7% believed in Buddha. 50.8% of the subjects lived in big cities and 76.7% was the middle class. In case of their health condition, 33.4% was in good health, while 51.1% suffered from certain diseases and 43.9% was not satisfied with health conditions. 2. The proportion of experience in taking herb medicine was 86.4%. The marital status and health condition were significantly related to the experience in taking herb medicine. When the respondents took diseases, 68.0% of them were experienced in folk remedy. The variables of age and religion were significantly related to experience in folk remedy. 3. According to the respondents opinions of the effect of the folk remedy, 'effective' was 78.5% and 'common' was 17.6%, while 'not effective' was 3.9%. 59.3% of the respondents thought that the folk remedy had scientific basis. 4. In case of information sources on herb medicine, 59.7% of the respondents obtained the information from TV or Radio. 13.7% of them got it from magazines related to Oriental medicine and 13.3% of them obtained it from newspapers or related books. The information sources were significantly related to age and health condition. The knowledge level of herb medicine was $20.76{\pm}2.66$ point on the basis of 30 points. The knowledge level was significantly related to age, occupation, health condition, information sources, experience in taking herb medicine, and opinions of scientific basis of the folk remedy. 5. The respondents marked $2.23{\pm}0.64$ points on the basis of 3.0 points in the question of the effect of taking herb medicine in summer, $2.30{\pm}0.61$ points in the question of the relationship between taking deer antlers and becoming clear-headed, $2.72{\pm}0.56$ points in the question of ginseng, $2.51{\pm}0.56$ points in the question of the relationship between taking herb medicine and being harmful to the liver, $1.94{\pm}0.74$ points in the question of taking herb medicine during the period of pregnancy, $1.84{\pm}0.78$ points in the question of the relationship between menstrual irregularity and motherwort, $2.00{\pm}0.83$ points in the question of the relationship between taking herb medicine and getting fat, $1.76{\pm}0.89$ points in the question of the relationship between Ssanghwatang and cold, $2.15{\pm}0.76$ points in the question of taking honey, and $1.45{\pm}0.77$ points in the question of selecting foods during the period of taking herb medicine. 6. The factors influencing decision of taking herb medicine were experience of taking herb medicine, intention of receiving treatment by folk remedy, occupation, health condition, and age. As seen in the above results, the knowledge level of taking herb medicine during the period of pregnancy, the relationship between menstrual irregularity and motherwort, Ssanghwatang, honey, and selecting foods during the period of taking herb medicine was very low. Therefore, it is necessary to develop education programs in order to provide community residents with basic knowledge of herb medicine. In doing so, the government, Oriental medical doctors, and associations related to herb medicine must make great efforts.

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MATHEMATICS AND SOCIETY IN KORYO AND CHOSUN (고려.조선시대의 수학과 사회)

  • 정지호
    • Journal for History of Mathematics
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    • v.2 no.1
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    • pp.91-105
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    • 1985
  • Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only "true letters" (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that , if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the "Enlightenment Period" changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo is significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as "Sanhak-Kyemong, "Yanghwi - Sanpup" and "Sangmyung-Sanpup." King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of King who took any one with the mathematic talent onto government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics per se and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the King. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China of Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In "Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period" which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of King Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for the rapid increase of the number of such technocrats as mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics per se beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditonal Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was changed into the Western style and the Western matehmatics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the schools of various levels. Thus the "Enlightenment Period" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.od" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.pean.

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A Study on the Religious Costume in Korea - Buddhist and Taoist Costume - (한국(韓國) 종교복식(宗敎服飾)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究) - 불교(佛敎)와 도교복식(道敎服飾)을 중심(中心)으로 -)

  • Im, Yeong-Ja
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.14
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    • pp.63-73
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    • 1990
  • The thought of three religious, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, had been the mainaxis of Korean spirit of the past. This study is centered on Buddhist and Taoist costume. There have been a lot of studies on Korean costume from many viewpoints. However, there have been few approaches to the inner !"ide of it. That is to say, the research on spiritual back-ground or religious correlation has not done yet. And especially, we are wholly lacking the studies on Taoist costume. In this dissertation, I investigate how they had come to wear Buddhist costume and how it trans, on the basis of related documentary records and existing remains. I also inquiry Taoist costume which was worn at Taoist ceremony in our country, with the help of Korean books and documents and of the sources of Packwoonkwan in China. In the case of Topobyunjeung in Korean costume, in particular, we can catch the source of it only after studying the religious side of Taoist costume and Buddhist costume. As revealed in the theory of Topobyunjeung in Ojuyunmoonja-ngsango by Lee, Kyu Kyung, even old masters and great Confucianists could not know whether Topo, the ordinary clothes of the Sadaeboo, originated from Taoist costume or Buddhist costume. There have been many opinions about the origin, but even now it is true that no one has made it clear. Therefore in this dissertatio I demonstrate mainly how Topo and Hakchangeui appeared in Korean costume through Taoist costume. It is said that Taoists, Buddhists, and literary men wore Topo, Chickchul, and Chickshin in Song dynasty of China. Topo was a clerical robe of Taoists and was also an ordinary clothes. Chick-chul was a clerical robe of Buddhists, and Chick-shin was worn by Zen priests in Won dynaty. Over the Po, Buddhist wore a large robe, namely Kasa, and Taoist wore Packhakchang like Wooeui, when they attended at the religious ceremony. And they regarded such manner of dressing as ceremonial full-dress attire. The style of Topo in China was Saryunggyogeo. The is th say that they put the black Yeon along Sajoo, which are Young, Soogoo, Keum, and Keo, and that they wore Sajodae around their waists so as to let the band down in front of them. Our existing type of Topo is that of Chickryung-gyoin. The characteristics of the type are its Koreum hung on the dress, no Yeon along Sajoo, and Soopok at the back of the dress. And when they put on the dress, they wear Saejodae around their waists. These characteristics considered, we can find the source of Topo from the Po of Chickshin among Buddhist costume. Other types of Topo are those that were transformed elegantly according to our national manners and customs in our country. So-called Wooeui in Chiness Taoism is Hakchang. Originally it was made by weaving for of cranes or other feathered birds. Its remarkable feature is the wide sleeves. Later they called such a robe with wide sleeves Hakchang. Our hakchangeui has Yeon along Sajoo and a belt around waist. We can guess that the features of Topo and wide-sleeved Hakchang mingled and turned into Hakchangeui. Or it might also be that Topa worn by Taoist was regarded as Hakchang and Topa which has Yeon along Sajoo was regarded as Hakchangeui in our country. Such type of Hakchang worn by Taoists was well shown in the Buddhist and Taoist paintings among "The Pictures of Hills, Waters, and Folks" in the latter half of the 16th century. In China Hakchang with a belt around waist could not be seen. Comparing our style of Hakchangeui with the Chinese style, we can recognize the former was similar to that of Chinese Topa. From this, we gather that Topa was regarded as Hakchang, Wooeui worn by Taoists, Ascetics and True Men in Korea. Furthermore I also gather that our Hakchangeui, which has Tongjeong, Koreurn and a belt around waist, was a transformed style in our own country. From the above, we can realize that in costume the three religions, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, cannot be treated separately although they are different each other in the essential thought. We have to recognize that Korean Costume was established under the closely connected correlation among the religions and that it was transfigured and accepted according to the cultural characteristics. This study is significant in that it is the first attempt to understand Korean costume through the religous approach, which has never been made in our Korean costume studies. We are demanded even more wide and profound investigation on the religious side of costume throughout the general field of costume studies.

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Limitations on Exclusive Rights of Authors for Library Reprography : A Comparative Examination of the Draft Revision of Korean Copyright Law with the New American Copyright Act of 1976 (저작권법에 준한 도서관봉사에 관한 연구 -미국과 한국의 저자재산권의 제한규정을 중시으로-)

  • 김향신
    • Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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    • v.11
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    • pp.69-99
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    • 1984
  • A dramatic development in the new technology of copying materials has presented us with massive problems on reconciling the conflicts between copyright owners and potential users of copyrighted materials. The adaptation to this changing condition led some countries to revise their copyright laws such as in the U. S. in 1976 and in Korea in 1984 for merging with the international or universal copyright conventions in the future. Copyright defined as exclusive rights given to copyright owners aims to secure a fair return for an author's creative labor and to stimulate artistic creativity for the general public good. The exclusive rights on copyrightable matters, generally for reproduction, preparation of derivative works, public distribution, public performance, and public display, are limited by fair use for scholarship and criticism and by library reproduction for its preservation and interlibrary loan. These limitations on the exclusive rights are concerned with all aspects of library services and cause a great burden on librarian's daily duty to provide balance between the rights of creators and the needs of library patrons. The fair use as one of the limitations on it has been coupled with enormous growth of a new technology and extended from xerography to online database systems. The implementation of the fair use and library reprography in Korean law to the local practices is examined on the basis of the new American copyright act of 1976. Under the draft revision of Korean law, librarians will face many potential problems as summarized below. 1. Because the new provision of 'life time plus 50 years' will tie up substantial bodies of material longer than the old law, until that date librarians would need permissions from the owners and should pay attention to the author's death date. 2. Because the copyright can be sold, distributed, given to the heirs, donated, as a whole or a part, librarians should chase down the heirs and other second owners. In case of a derivative work, this is a real problem. 3. Since a work has its protection from the moment of its creation, the coverage of copyrightable matter would be extended to the published or the unpublished works and librarian's work load would be heavier. Without copyright registration, no one can be certain that a work is in the public domain. Therefore, librarians will need to check with an authority. 4. For implementation of limitations on exclusive rights, fair use and library reproduction for interlibrary loan, there can be no substantial aggregate use and there can be no systematic distribution of multicopies. Therefore, librarians should not substitute reproductions for subscriptions or purchases. 5. For the interlibrary loan by photocopying, librarians should understand the procedure of royalty payment. 6. Compulsory licenses should be understood by librarians. 7. Because the draft revision of Korean law is a reciprocal treaty, librarians should take care of other countries' copyright law to protect foreign authors from Korean law. In order to solve the above problems, some suggestions are presented below. 1. That copyright clearinghouse or central agency as a centralized royalty payment mechanism be established. 2. That the Korean Library Association establish a committee on copyright. 3. That the Korean Library Association propose guidelines for each occasion, e.g. for interlibrary loan, books and periodicals and music, etc. 4. That the Korean government establish a copyright office or an official organization for copyright control other than the copyright committee already organized by the government. 5. That the Korean Library Association establish educational programs on copyright for librarians through seminars or articles written in its magazines. 6. That individual libraries provide librarian's copyright kits. 7. That school libraries distribute subject bibliographies on copyright law to teachers. However, librarians should keep in mind that limitations on exclusive rights are not for an exemption from library reprography but as a convenient access to library resources.

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Ahn Jeong-Bok's idea of country village community (18세기 향촌사회와 유교공동체 - 순암 안정복을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Bo-kyoung
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.35
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    • pp.415-445
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    • 2009
  • A well-known historian, Ahn Jeong-Bok(Sun-Am, 1712~1791) was an expert on the country village community. He was a scholar of the "Nam-In" group, who was excluded from the corridors of power in those days. He kept on the move in various parts of country villages from his childhood. After settling down in Deok-Gok, Kwang-Ju, he stayed in the place devoting himself to the self-culture and the literary works. By his surrounding of environment, he had an academic interest in a concrete science rather than metaphysics and country villages rather than the central city. He considered the country villages as the link holding between a family and a country and had the conception of a confucianist community based on country villages, emphasizing the practice of confucianist virtues in everyday life. First of all, his confucianist community was the community based on country villages. He thought that the enlightenment was a matter of great importance for solving problems in country villages. As a solution to those problems, he suggested Hyang-Yak, the self-governed regulations of country villages. In his own village he made the self-governed rules Dong-Yak. When he was a provincial governer of Mok-Cheon, he put Hyang-Yak, the self-governed regulations of country villages in operation. It aimed for a kind of gentry-centric country village community. But Hyang-Yak was the regulations based on the agreement with each other, stressed the regard on the popular mind and the setting the pace of the gentry, and aimed for the harmony and order in a community through the practice of moral virtues in daily life. On the other hand, he had a conception of a country village's academic community. He thought of the development of educational intuitions as a pressing need of the enlightenment of country village. With young people he read confucianist books with comments in a village school, Seo-Jae. In his seventies, he made and put the self-regulations for academic community, Hak-Yak, in operations. It is considered that Hak-Yak was an example of his idea of academic community and his point of view on learning, which emphasized on the coincidence with reading and practice.

How Do University Students Appreciate the Influence of Science on Life? (과학이 삶에 미친 영향에 대한 대학생들의 인식)

  • Lee, Seungeun;Park, Dahye;Park, Jongseok
    • Journal of Science Education
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    • v.45 no.2
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    • pp.187-200
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    • 2021
  • This study was conducted to identify students' meaningful scientific experiences and to ascertain the path through which the experience led to learning. The subjects of 'Understanding of the History of Science' were asked to write an essay on the subject of 'Effects of science on my life' to 81 students in the department of literature and 125 students in the science department. After that Classification criteria were established through scientific experts' seminars, and the scientific experiences that affected students and their effects were examined. The results from analyses were summarized as follows: First, As a result of study about Science Education experience that has impacted students' lives, the students were influenced by images, most of which were influenced by scientific videos. They were also influenced by science classes and science books. As a result of classifying science experience, most of the experience is composed of Informal Science Learning. Second, as a result of examining how students were influenced by their scientific experience, they found that they were affected by their daily life or influenced by science. As a result of the research, it can be confirmed that Informal Science Learning experience is an important learning form that has a great influence on students. Therefore, appropriate Informal Science Learning experience should be introduced into the class, and research and development on the Informal Science Learning experience preferred by the students should be done.

The Study on Compilation Consciousness and Aspect of Personage Adoption of "Ilsayusa" (『일사유사(逸士遺事)』의 편찬 의식과 인물 수록 양상)

  • Cho, Jihyoung
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.70
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    • pp.495-524
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    • 2018
  • This study investigated the literary theory of Jang Jiyeon and his compilation consciousness of the historical biography, and based on this, the study examined the aspect and characteristic of the personage adoption of "Ilsayusa". To figure out the characteristic of "Ilsayusa", this study attempted to investigate the Jang Jiyeon's cognition on epic literature first. Jang Jiyeon had interest in the historical biography in his early days. But he clearly expressed the negative position about the novels which had been handed down from old times, mentioning about their harmful effect, even though they were in a big popularity. The good readings he thought was supposed to be helpful for person's work, study, personality and even the custom, so it is thought that the compilation of "Ilsayusa" was planned as a part of a usefulness to help readers' actual lives by summarizing Jang Jiyeon's philosophy as the form of a historical biography of personages who had actually existed. The direct motivation and the awareness of the problem to compile "Ilsayusa" could be confirmed by the postscript he left. Pointing that Joseon's policy of appointing persons of ability resulted in the loss of the nation, Jang Jiyeon paid attention to the classical scholars from low class, people from under middle class and the local figures in Hamgyeongdo and Pyeongando in the process of compiling "Ilsayusa". Along with this, a kind of a sense of duty that the old heritage must be examined by descendents was manifested as the compilation of "Ilsayusa". Through this, Jang Jiyeon tried to show the good model to the readers of "Ilsayusa" what the way of living would be for raising their volition and keeping the fundamentals. The tendency and characteristic of compiling personages in "Ilsayusa" could be sorted in a few ways as written below. First, it includes all kinds of all actually existed episodes while he was collecting various historical biographies published before. Second, it includes the new kinds of personages paying particular attention to figures of middle class and commoners. Third, it compiled the female figures in a great volume and described new model of woman. Fourth, for areas, it has episodes of all areas in the nation including Pyeongando and Hamgyeongdo. Thinking about all the discussion above, we could estimate that "Ilsayusa" is the definitive edition of these kinds of books which inherited all performances of the biographical literature in better way, which had been accomplished in 19th century.

Pictorial Record of 'Joseon's Exhibitions of Chinaware and Wooden Works' - Pictorial Record of the Exhibitions of Korean Chinaware and Wooden Works Held in Tokyo, Japan in the 1930s - (『조선도자목공전관(朝陶磁木工展觀)』 도록 - 1930년대 일본 동경에서 개최된 한국 도자기, 목공예 전시회 도록 -)

  • Kim, Sang-yop
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.32
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    • pp.425-441
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    • 2008
  • Most of Korea's Kyungmaedorock(auction book: 競賣圖錄) and pictorial record of exhibitions in the modern times were usually published in the 1930s. Although 1930s were periods of the Great Depression when economic slump continued because of the aftereffect of the slump in the stocks issued by the US in 1929, during this period, Japan began regular continental invasion starting from invasion of the northeastern area of China. To curio dealers, the 1930s were 'boom period of curio transaction' and in urban cultural aspects, the period is evaluated as the one when the first step of modernism was formed. Collection, photo-printing and arrangement of the data related to modern exhibitions including the Auction Book being published at that time are very important because they enable us to know characteristics of fine arts in the transition period from paintings & writings to fine arts in addition to enabling us to revert the circulation history of our paintings & writings and curios. Furthermore, these data will become important data for reconstitution of the circulation history of the Eastern Asia's modern art works. Although the pictorial record of Joseon's Exhibitions of Chinaware and Wooden Works(朝鮮陶磁木工展) is a small and thin one, it records our country's high level chinaware and wooden works. Although we can't know the exact time for 'Joseon's exhibitions of chinaware and wooden works', they are assumed to have been held in Tokyo, Japan in the 1930s and there seems to have been sale of works, too. As such, studies of the books such as the auction book and exhibitions under Japanese imperialism have the first importance in the fact that through which we can examine the course of outflow of our art works to Japan. Furthermore, they can be studies of art-sociology that examine flow and phase of recognition and taste of art works of those days. And from now on, comparative studies of auctions and exhibitions being held in Japan such as Tokyo, Osaka and etc. as well as art markets in Seoul during modern times would also be necessary.

Changes in Literary Trend During the Late Joseon and Lee Yong-hyu's Writing (조선후기 문풍의 변화와 이용휴의 글쓰기)

  • Lee, Eun-bong
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.48
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    • pp.91-116
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    • 2012
  • Writing is a process and work of expressing one's own feelings and thoughts that are not contained in rigid forms; however, the literary trend and environment during the Late Joseon was not so tolerant. A revivalist approach to writing was dominant during this period, which was summarized in the expression that "Prose must be written in the style of Qin and Han; and Poetry in that of High Tang. "Hence, it was practically a taboo to express one's raw emotions and disregard the custom and regulations of writing. Nevertheless, literati, who got tired of the dogmatic rule of Neo-Confucianism at the time that refused to see the changing world and the pseudo-archaic writing that merely imitated the outside and was empty inside, attempted new styles of writing to escape from the model or example and what was familiar. Lee Yong-hyu, who was in the middle of such transformations, learned the trends of Late Ming and Early Qing through the newly imported Chinese books and created his own style that reflected his personality. His writings refused the Neo-Confucian system of thoughts, which was a dominant ideology of the time, paid attention to the human nature and emphasized the restoration of the self. His writing could be described as being anti-pseudo-archaic and criticized the pretentious trend of the time. He argued that in order to restore the true self, one must recover the innocent mind that was bestowed on human by heaven/nature (cheon-li, 天理), and for this purpose, one must straighten out one's mind (sim, 心). His argument is similar to that of "Yangming School of Mind," which could be represented by the phrase, "Mind is the Principle (心卽理)." Yangming School claimed that moral principle existed within one's mind; and this was in stark contrast with the Neo-Confucian idea that "principle (li)"was external and transcendent, and was spoken by the great Confucian masters and written down in Confucian Classics. By denying the externality of the principle and underscoring its immanence, the idea that centralized Confucian Classics and canons was dismantled. Lee Yong-hyu's writing styles that denied the model and emphasized the restoration of the self was influenced by such thoughts. However, one must neither hastily judge that he is an advocate of Yangming School of Mind, nor determine the anti-pseudo-archaic writers' ideological basis as the philosophy of Yangming School. Once it is rigidly defined, be it Zhu Xi's philosophy or Wang Yangming's philosophy, it becomes another model that one must abide by, and again the self disappears. Thus, Lee Yong-hyu defied any kind of model that claimed authenticity or precedence and wished that people would live independently as oneself, and left such claims and wishes in writing. That is the reason, after more than two hundred years later, we still read his writings.

A Study on Maewoldang, Kim Si-seup's Maniac Tendency (매월당(梅月堂) 김시습(金時習)의 '광자(狂者)' 성향에 관한 연구)

  • Jo, Min-hwan
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.35
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    • pp.331-358
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    • 2020
  • This paper is a study of Kim Si-seup's maniacal tendency. The properties of mania can be divided into two categories. One is mental mania wherein the mind has fallen into madness, and the other is morphological mania wherein madness is revealed in real world actions. This thesis analyzes two aspects of the madness of Kim Si-seup, who showed madness in the morphological dimension as well as madness of the mind in the Joseon Dynasty. One notion that is analyzed is 'Longing to never return', and the other is 'To live in obscurity, yet practice wonders.' Kim Si-seup was a promising talent when he was young and was a so-called "infant prodigy." However, when 'Saejo' took the throne of 'Danjong,' he left the house on the road to 'burn all the books' and became a monk as a way of disappearing from the world. Thereafter, Kim Si-seup gave up on the test to become a bureaucrat and lived in hiding while doing strange things while he falsely pretended to be "crazy." He never felt regret hearing others describe him as a strange person. He lived a life of not returning to the mundane world for a long time as he traveled through famous mountains and streams. Also, he pursued a life in 'the world outside the world' without any greed. Sometimes he expresses his own free spirit and madness through poetry with 'what he talks about' and 'wonderful words.' This life was far from a form of neutralization aesthetics achieved by pursuing a 'gentle and magnanimous' life as claimed by Confucian scholars. Kim Si-seup, sometimes referred to as 'a maniac with mental clarity,' directed his efforts at 'false maniacal behavior,' 'weird behavior,' 'life pursuing the world outside the world,' and 'life of breaking off one's relationship with the world.' This maniac-like life of Kim Si-seup was not crazy but conveyed a deep desire to criticize the absurd reality of Joseon society at the time. Regarding Kim Si-seup, Li Hwang criticizes him for wishing 'to live in obscurity yet practice wonders.' Unlike Li Hwang, Yi Yi, who wrote The Records of Kim Si-seup when commissioned to do so by Sun Jo, positively evaluated Kim Si-seup as "a Confucian who followed Buddhism." Although the contents of these evaluations of Kim Si-seup were different, both agreed that Kim Si-seup was a maniacally-oriented individual. Kim Si-seup, who was mentally maniacal and morphological maniacal, represents a unique case in the study history of the Joseon Dynasty, wherein the 'the doctrines of Zhu Zi' exerted great influence.