• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.61 no.10
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• pp.55-71
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• 2011

Court ladies' tasks were largely divided into two. First, if there is a royal family event, such as the royal family's wedding or feast, they followed the rules and regulations of work division that was defined in "Gyeonggukdaejeon". Secondly, during normal days, they were divided into Jimil (至密), Chimbang (針房), Subang (繡房), Sesugan (洗手間), Saenggwabang (生果房), Naesojubang (內燒廚房), and Oesojubang (外燒廚房) and took charge of female work that was needed daily at the palace including serving, cooking, laundry, needlework, embroidery, cleaning, and nurturing. This organization was operated by different palaces such as the daejeon(king's palace), daebijeon(queen dowager's palace), junggungjeon(queen's palace), or sejagung(prince's palace). Court ladies were selected among female slaves of the government office or naesusa(a ministry of royal household properties). Although commoners were forbidden to be selected, they sometimes became court ladies voluntarily for financial reasons or because of the will of their parents. Court ladies had different appearances according to the division they belonged to. The court girls of Jimil, Chimbang, and Subang wore saeangmeori while court girls from other places had braided hairstyles. At Jimil, they wore all different kinds of chima(skirt) and jeogori(jacket). Usually, court ladies wore navy chima, jade jeogori, green gyeonmagi(top jacket) with the uyeomeori hairstyle. When working in the evening, they wore pink jeogori or yellow-green jeogori, navy chima with the jojimmeori hairstyle for easiness to stay up all night and work. Navy chima was worn by court ladies. If there was a royal family event upper court ladies wore uyeomi, black or green wonsam, and stewards wore garima and dangui.

• Journal of the Korean Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.53-57
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• 2020

This article reviews a wide range of literature on the standards and process of child custody evaluation in the US, and proposes custody evaluation standards appropriate to Korea. Custody evaluation refers to the process of making psychiatric and psychological evaluations of each parent and the child during a custody dispute and presenting to the family court a report of custody evaluation with the aim of safeguarding the best interests of the child. In the past, it was thought that children arethe fathers' possessions or that younger children should be raised by the mother; however, currently, custody rights are evaluated in accordance with the principle of the best interests of the child. The principle is all-encompassing and vague and hence, the court makes increasingly more requests to mental health professionals for custody evaluation. Since the Seoul Family Court introduced the expert consultation system in 2017, the involvement of mental health professionals in child custody decisions has increased in Korea. Custody evaluators should try to be neutral and find the objective facts, keeping in mind that their role is to aid the court in making a custody decision.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.24 no.5 s.83
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• pp.191-203
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• 2006

This study examined the experience of family of origin among those who decided consensual divorce. Questionnaires regarding family relationships, alcohol problem, domestic violence, and health in family or origin were distributed to 500 people who visited Busan Family court for filing divorce and 3% questionnaires were collected by the staff of the Family court in April, 2004. As for analyzing the data, using SPSS/WIN 10.0 program, t-test and ANOVA were conducted. The results of analyses are as follows. First, more respondents tended to report that theirs parents' marital relationship was bad in their childhood than parent-child relationship. Second, 41% of all respondents reported that their parents have had alcohol problems, and 32% reported that there had been domestic violence between their parents. Third, the overall score of health in family of origin was lower than the medium score, which implies the lower health in family of origin among the divorce deciders. Lastly, there were some differences in experiences of family of origin in terms of some demographic variables such as gender, education, and religion. Women tended to perceived their family relationship more positively than men did. Also, highly educated group of divorce deciders reported lower parental alcohol problem and higher health in family of origin than the group of lower education. Respondents which had specific religions reported that their parents have had less alcohol problems, and higher health in family-of-origin.

• Journal of The Korean Digital Architecture Interior Association
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.39-46
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• 2006

"Urban traditional housing" means a type of urban housing which retains characteristics of traditional Korean houses for ordinary people. It is a form of housing created in the process in which traditional Korean ways of life are applied to swift modernization. In Korea's traditional housing, the "court" functioned as a living space that promoted family bonding. The space of the court still remains in the urban traditional housing. However, rapid popularization of the westernized housing form, i.e., apartments, resulted in standardization and westernization of our housing and living patterns, and as a result, the court in urban traditional housing came to lose its original meaning. The objects of this study are residents of urban traditional housing. By studying them, this research aims, firstly, to understand the meaning of the inner court, secondly to analyze correlation between the residents' consciousness of the inner court and their use of the space, and ultimately to find various possible forms of our future housing. For this research, twenty six houses in the Gahoe-dong area in which urban traditional houses are densely built up were investigated. According to the result of this research, the inner court in current urban traditional housing is a space existing inside a house but directly exposed to outer air at the same time. It is a private but shared space. It contributes to forming a pleasant atmosphere by facilitating ventilation and providing sunlight. In addition, it is a living space that actively reflects the Korean living style that values family life.

• Architectural research
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.13-19
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• 2017

In banquets of royal courts held in the late Joseon Dynasty, a procedure that follows the customs as well as physical components to follow that procedure were necessary. A noticeable trait of the red blinds(朱簾) is that they are seen in the naeyon(內宴) types of banquets, which is mostly centered on the queen dowager and relatives, and they function as a makeshift facility that divide the different banquet spaces according to the hierarchy of the royal family. Furthermore, the red blinds within the court played an important role in the procedure of the banquet along with the incense, as it was drawn upon the queen dowager's appearance to signal the beginning, and folded out again to signal the end. This indicates that they were of higher importance within the banquet space. The red blinds used in the playacting stage of the royal court not only segmented the space, but also upon being taken down, expanded and integrated the banquet hall, thereby maximizing the playacting stage. Once the banquet was finished, the red blinds within the court were once again folded out so as to restore dignity to the space. The red blind is a symbolic item that could open the private space of the court so as to enable communication with the public space, and also close it off to restore privacy. Also, the layout of the banquet space was divided by the red blinds into primary, secondary, and tertiary hierarchal space, according to the status of the royal family and the banquet attendants. In other words, the red blinds played an important role in its the symbolic meaning in the national precedent as well as distinguishing the hierarchy of space within the naeyon banquet in the royal court.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.165-189
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• 2018

Under the principle of subsidiarity, the German family policy formed in the 1950s and 1960s minimized the role of the state while maximizing the role of the parents. The German Constitutional Court, however, ruled that the level of compensation for the financial burden of child support costs must follow the basic rights, not the principle of subsidiarity. The Federal Constitutional Court has taken the duty of protecting the human dignity of the state under Article 1 of the Constitution as the starting point of the judgment. The Federal Constitutional Court held that the dignity of a child is guaranteed only if the level of the child's allowance or deduction is equal to or higher than the level of the child standard benefit under the Social Assistance Act established by Congress. The Federal Constitutional Court also regarded the state to compensate parents for child support costs as much as the level of child standard benefit under the Social Assistance Act as a family protection obligation of the state under Article 6, Section 1 of the Constitution. In addition, the Federal Constitutional Court ruled that the right to equality declared by Article 3 of the Constitution can be realized by compensating all parents for child support costs at the level of child standard benefit under the Social Assistance Act.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.61 no.4
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• pp.103-116
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• 2011

The purpose of this study is to investigate the revision of the western-styled court costume in the Daehan Empire. For this purpose, 1) historical documents were reviewed, 2) one set of the court costume of Chigimgwan and another set of the court costume of Juimgwan were probed, 3) the photos of people wearing court costume were analyzed. The results of this study are as follows. First, the $14^{th}$ Imperial order of "official costume statute" had been revised in 1904, 1905 and 1907 through official gazettes. The last version of official costume statute enacted the more detail than the first rule. Second, the $15^{th}$ Imperial order of "official costume rules" had been revised in 1904, 1905, and transformed into official costume rules reform on $12^{th}$ Dec., 1906. The revision in 1905 made gold embroidery of court costume more simple than the first rule. The form of court costume was totally revised by change of the shape of adjusting on the top in the revised rule of 1906. Third, the revision in 1905 was actually manufactured and worn by the people because it can be confirmed in the relics of the court costume of $2^{nd}$ Chigimgwan in Yonsei University Museum, and the court costume of juimgwan in Kwangju Municipal Folk Museum. The relics made by the revision in 1906 had not been reported until now, but they can be confirmed in the photos left. Fourth, the sovereignity of the Daehan Empire was actually lost by $22^{th}$ Imperial family order which urged the servant having the title of nobility of Japan to wear the court costume of Japan. Therefore, the endeavor of the Daehan Empire which wanted to establish and develop the costume system of modern independent nation was discontinued.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.24 no.6
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• pp.67-82
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• 2015

With regard to Gung-jung Yeon-hyang(宮中宴享; court banquet), the frequency of banquets that were held at one time beginning Mu-ja J in-jak(戊子進爵; a royal banquet held in 1828) in 1828 (the 28th year of King Sunjo (純祖)'s reign). In proportion to this frequency, there was an increase in the need and importance of Suk-seol-so(熟設所; a kitchen built in temporarily house for court banquet) and Jung-bae-seol-cheong(中排設廳; a temporary place to put offerings) as a space to assist court banquets. Although Suk-seol-so was a temporary but large-scale facility, it was frequently used for long periods. This facility was flexibly established using the variability of Dong-gung(東宮; Palace for Crown Prince) and enhanced the efficiency of censorship and security in conjunction with palace gates and Suk-wi-cheo(宿衛處; guard station, guard room). In addition, it was reused according to the period when the nation and royal family gave finances or banquets. Jung-bae-seol-cheong was established in the place connected to the central space of court banquets and worked as buffer space to resolve the tension on the day of the event. The location where Jung-bae-seol-cheong was established enabled us to confirm the applicability of Bok-do(複道; corridor) connected to Chimjeon(寢殿; royal residence) when holding court banquets. In short, Suk-seol-so and Jung-bae-seol-cheong were auxiliary spaces, but were considered importantly in the palace operation when holding court banquets.

• Development and Reproduction
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.143-154
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• 2010

This article analyzes two leading Korean cases which led to opposite conclusions: the Boramae Hospital Case (Korean Supreme Court 2002 Do 995) and the Shinchon Severance Hospital Case (Korean Supreme Court 2009 Da 17471). In doing so, it pays particular attention to the acceptance, modification, and rejection of paternalism, specifically 'physician paternalism' and 'familial paternalism', both of which have long and strongly influenced the Korean medical environment. In Boramae Hospital, the Court emphasized the obligation of the physician in terms of the life of the patient (eg: protecting and preserving the life and welfare of the patient). Its position seemed to be based on the traditional physician paternalism which presupposes the ability of physicians to identify right and wrong choices according to natural laws. However, the Court saw itself as the final arbiter of who identifies and determines the real world content and consequences of that natural law. In short, the Court elevated itself to the supreme guardian of the patient, and held that its decision cannot be overruled by that of the patient's family. So without specifically referring to the importance of the family and the role of familial decisions, both long-observed traditions in medical decision-making in Korea, the Court shifted away from familial paternalism. In Shinchon Severance Hospital, the Court explained the meaning of the patient's powers of self-rulemore concretely, explaining its scope and substance in greater detail. The Court held that one can exercise the right of self-rule, even over issues such as death, in the form of 'previous medical directions'. However, this case does not represent a wholesale acceptance of medical autonomy (ie: it does not accept self-rule unconditionally). Rather, the Court accepted the importance of the opinions and decision of physicians and of the Hospital Ethics Commission, and the Court still retained to itself the authority to review and make alterations to 'material' decision. The Court did not overlook the importance of the decision of the patient's family, but it also did not relinquish its status as supreme guardian, emphasizing the 'objective' nature of a decision from the court.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.131-142
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• 2020

This article explored how the introduction of the Gregorian calendar transformed the Buddhist traditional practices of a noble class family who lost power in the royal court during the emergence of the British in Upper Myanmar. It examined in micro-level, the said changes by way of Wekmasuk Wundauk U Latt's diary, which recorded the social and economic conditions of Mandalay, then the capital of the Myanmar kingdom, from 1886 to 1898. When Burmese kings reigned in Mandalay, the court closed on Sabbath day, when the Buddhist Burmese went to monasteries to fulfill religious obligations. The introduction of the Gregorian calendar turned Sunday into a regular day off, which left Sabbath day to be used for more work. This prevented the then noblemen to attend to monastic duties as they had to use the day, for example to go to the bank to draw their pension. This research reveals that the Gregorian calendar has transformed the day off from "holy day" to "holiday."