• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.9-35
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• 2017

This article is to study the life and philosophy of Jonjae Gidaeseung, who was at strife with his days and did not negotiate with himself, with focus on two concepts of buron(不穩, unrest) and 'sympathy'. It is the fact that to study the traditional philosopher is likely to be enlightening. In order to prevent the risk, we need to define first the concept of unrest as including anxiety to critical resistance. Also, I would like to propose the concept of sympathy in order to grasp the function of his mind which judges whether his feelings and actions are valid from an emotional horizon of unrest. Methodologically this article is to adopt a transversal and correlative thinking by combining an east Asian Confucian traditional concept unrest with a modern one space. It is because this research is to show a significant meaning when we study highlighted and hidden layers of our life and politics in 'now-here' and the 'between space' even though this transversal and correlative study shows the horizon of his life. This article is to investigate how a case is structured by occurrences and divergences and reinterpret a meaning from an emotional horizon. This process is done centering on two terms Guchatuan(pursuing ease ignobly), and Suwolbingho(moon reflected in the water and ice in a bottle), which is the source of Bingwoldang. The two terms were used by Jonjae himself. The latter shows an opposite meaning from the first and is accordingly a way by which we can look into his life and days. My research of Jonjae's life and politics from the emotional-philosophical level is original in that it reveals emotional traces beyond his philosophical ideas which previous studies did not show. In this article, I showed that Gobong was ambitious and resolute, and definite in his judgment and therefore was not good at controlling his uprightness. Also he was too straightforward to purify a language. His unrest characters made him conflict with old ministers and high ranking officials and therefore they avoided him even thought he was excellent in writing and learning and talented. He was oriented toward living by goodness and right Ways, which is summed up as Gisesa(vague movement, situational advantage, and death).

• Korean Journal of Remote Sensing
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.77-89
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• 2004

The spatial and temporal variations of aerosol optical depth (AOD) over Northeast Asia regions have special importance in the aerosol research for estimation of aerosol radiative forcing parameters and climate change. Aerosol optical and physical properties (AOD and ${\AA}$ngstrom parameter) have been investigated by using Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer (MODIS) and Total Ozone Mapping Spectrometer (TOMS) Aerosol Index (AI) to estimate aerosol characteristics over the study region during 2001. Additionally, aerosol characteristics over the Korean peninsular during Aerosol Characteristic Experiment in Asia (ACE-Asia) Intensive Observation Period (IOP) have been investigated by using satellite observations. The results showed that the daily-observed aerosol data indicate seasonal variations with relatively higher aerosol loading in the spring and very low during the winter. The typical Asian dust case showed higher AOD (>0.7) with lower Angstrom exponent (<0.5) and higher AI (>0.5) that is mainly due to the composition of coarse particles in the springtime. Mean AOD for 2001 at 4 different places showed 0.65$\pm$0.37 at Beijing, 0.31$\pm$0.19 at Gosan, 0.54$\pm$0.26 at Seoul, and 0.38$\pm$0.19 at Kwangju, respectively. An interesting result was found in the present study that polluted aerosol events with small size dominated-aerosol loading around the Korean peninsular are sometimes observed. The origin of these polluted aerosols was thought to East China. Aerosol distribution from satellite images and trajectory results shows the proof of aerosol transport. Therefore, aerosol monitoring using satellite data is very useful.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.41
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• pp.443-475
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• 2015

The subjects of analysis in this paper, the clan name roots "Baj," "Kim," and "Shama/Sama," while distributed commonly among the Altai, Ye i, and isolated language groups, are most widely distributed among the Evenki. The clan name root "Baj-" is widely distributed among indigenous Siberian nations, but is most frequently found among the Manchu-Tungus, especially the Evenki. Therefore, it appears that clans with this root originated from Pribajkal'e, known to be the origin of the Evenki, and spread widely among the nearby Buryats, Mongols, and Yakuts, later spread east to the Nivhi of the Amur River, to the Enisej Protoasiatic language nations such as the Yukaghir or Ket to the north, and the Samoyed language group nations such as the Ne and Selkup. According to the analysis results in this paper, the Evenki clan name "Kim" has the meaning of "person," but also is somewhat associated with gold, metal, or stone. On one hand, while the origin of the clan name "Kim" cannot be clearly established, the clan was assimilated into the Evenki near in ancient times, after which the clan name became widely known among the Manchu-Tungus nations, and furthermore in the Turk nations. The clan name Shama/sama is widely spread across Siberia, including the Manchu-Tungus language group nations of the Altai language family, the Turk language family, and the Samoyed language groups of the Ural language family. Moreover, this clan name is not associated with famous mythic ancestors or heroes of historically famous Asian nations, and it cannot be translated into contemporary language; thus the identification of the meaning and origins of this word is by no means an easy task.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.216-233
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• 2020

This study set out to review tomb culture in the Gyeongju region during the Bronze Age, and also examine the patterns of dolmens during their end phase. For these purposes, the study analyzed 18 tomb relics from the Bronze Age and nine from the early Iron Age. Gyeongju belongs to the Geomdan-ri cultural zone. Approximately 120 tombs from the Bronze Age have been excavated in the Gyeongju region. There are fewer tombs than dwellings in the region, which is a general characteristic of the Geomdan-ri cultural zone. Although the number of tombs is small, the detailed structure of the dead body is varied. During the Bronze Age, tombs in the Gyeongju region were characterized by more prolific construction of pit tombs, dolmens with boundaries, and stacked stone altars than were the cases in other areas. There is a great possibility that the pit tombs in the Gyeongju region were influenced by their counterparts in the northeastern parts of North Korea, given the spindle whorl artifacts buried at the Dongsan-ri sites. Dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars are usually distributed in the Songguk-ri cultural zone, and it is peculiar that instances of these are found in large numbers in the Gyeongju region as part of the Geomdanri cultural zone. Even in the early Iron Age, the building of dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars continued in the Gyeongju region under the influence of the Bronze Age. A new group of people moved into the area, and they crafted ring-rimmed pottery and built wooden coffin tombs. In the early Iron Age, new rituals performed in high places also appeared, and were likely to provide venues for memorial services for heavenly gods in town-center areas. The Hwacheon-ri Mt. 251-1 relic and the Jukdong-ri relic are ruins that exhibit the aspect of rituals performed in high places well. In these rituals performed in high places, a stacked stone altar was built with the same form as the dolmens with boundaries, and a similar rock to the cover stone of a dolmen was used. People continued to build and use dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars while sustaining the Bronze Age traditions, even into the early Iron Age, because the authority of dolmens was maintained. Some dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars, known as being Bronze Age in origin, would have continued to be used in ritual practices until the early Iron Age. Entering the latter half of the second century B.C., wooden coffin tombs began to propagate. This was the time when the southern provinces, including the Gyeongju region, were included in the East Asian network, with the spread of ironware culture and the arrival of artifacts from central China. Around this time, dolmen culture faded into history with a new era beginning in its place.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.54-77
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• 2020

Produced during the Goryeo period (718-1392), the statue of the monk Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple in Hapcheon is almost life-size, with a height of 82.4 cm, a width of 66.6 cm at the knees, and a maximum width of 44 cm at the torso (front and back). Notably, it is the only known example of an East Asian Buddhist sculpture made from wood and dry lacquer that was formed by joining the front and back halves. However, a similar technique was used on a dry lacquer statue of the Medicine Buddha at Cheongnyangsa Temple in Bonghwa, which is estimated to date from the late Goryeo or early Joseon period. As such, this technique is thought to represent this particular time period. In an eighteenth-century travelogue about a trip to Mt. Gayasan, the author describes a sculpture that is believed to be the statue of Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple, based on various unique features that closely correspond to the sculpture's current appearance. For example, the sculpture is said to have a hole in the chest and rough, knobby tendons and bones, two features that can still be seen today. Another sculpture of a Buddhist monk who was active in the western regions during the third and fourth century also has a hole in the chest, which is said to be a symbol of spiritual strength. The travelogue also states that the statue was lacquered black at the time, which means that it must have been painted with its present colors some time in the nineteenth century. Over time, the sculpture has been enshrined in various halls of Haeinsa Temple, including Haehaengdang, Jinsangjeon, and later Josajeon (Hall of the Patriarchs), and Bojangjeon. Records show that images of Buddhist monks, or "seungsang," were produced in Korea as early as the Three Kingdoms period (18 BCE-660 CE), but few of these works have survived. At present, only four such sculptures are extant, including the images of Huirang Daesa from the Goryeo period, and those of Monk Naong and Uisang Daesa from the Joseon period. Of these, the sculpture of Huirang Daesa has special significance for its early production date (i.e., CE. tenth century), outstanding production techniques, and superb artistic quality, realistically capturing both the external appearance and internal character of the subject. The tradition of producing, sanctifying, and worshipping statues of monks was prevalent not only in Korea, but also in China and Japan. However, each country developed its own preferred materials and techniques for producing these unique images. For example, while China has a large number of mummified Buddhist images (yuksinbul), Japan produced diverse images with various materials (e.g., dry lacquer, wood, clay) according to period. But despite the differences in materials and techniques, the three nations shared the same fundamental purpose of expressing and honoring the inherent spirituality of the monks.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.489-524
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• 2016

This study examines the birth of a genre, the $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ Misemono Opera, focusing on how it accepted and modernized Katarimono $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$. Unlike earlier studies, it argues that Terayama was clearly different from other first-generation Angura artists, in that he rebirthed the medieval story $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ as a modern Misemono Opera. Shintokumaru (1978) was directed by Terayama $Sh{\bar{u}}ji$, a member of the first generation of Japan's 1960s Angura Theatre Movement. It takes as its subject the Katarimono $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ Shintokumaru, a story set to music that can be considered an example of the modern heritage of East Asian storytelling. $Sekky{\bar{o}}$ Shintokumaru is set in Tennoji, Japan. The title character Shintoku develops leprosy as a result of his stepmother's curse and is saved through his fiancee Otohime's devoted love and the spiritual power of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara. In this work, Terayama combined the narrative style of $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ with J.A. Caesar's shamanistic rock music and gave it the subtitle 'Misemono Opera by $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$'. He transforms its underlying theme, the principle of goddesses and their offspring in a medieval religious world and the modori (return) instinct, into a world of mother-son-incest. Also, the pedestrian revenge scene from $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ is altered to represent Shintokumaru as a drag queen, wearing his stepmother's clothes and mask, and he unites sexually with Sensaku, his stepbrother, and ends up killing him. The play follows the cause and effect structure of $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$. The appearance of katarite, a storyteller, propelling the narrative throughout and Dr. Yanagida Kunio is significant as an example of the modern use of self-introduction as a narrative device and chorus. Terayama $Sh{\bar{u}}ji^{\prime}s$ memories of desperate childhood, especially the absence of his father and the Aomori air raids, are depicted and deepened in structure. However, seventeen years after Terayama's death, the version of the play directed by Ninagawa Yukio-based on a revised edition by Kishida Rio, who had been Terayama's writing partner since the play's premier-is the today the better-known version. All the theatrical elements implied by Terayama's subtitle were removed, and as a result, the Rio production misses the essence of the diverse experimental theatre of Terayama's theatre company, $Tenj{\bar{o}}$ Sajiki. Shintokumaru has the narrative structure characteristic of aphorism. That is, each part of the story can stand alone, but it is possible to combine all the parts organically.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.217-248
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• 2009

'Pil-dam-chang-su-jib'(collection of conversation by writing about poetry or sentences) which was remained in Japan through the dispatching of Tong-sin mission belong to the Joseon dynasty is a valuable historical records directly to verify sincere relationships with Korea and Japan in the past. At the center of the 'Pil-dam-chang-su-jib', a conversation of senators who was technocrat both countries at that time was not a little contained. Because they need to exchange information and opinions which they had been curious at an appointed hour, the most impending medical problems of that period had to be brought out in the senator's 'Pil-dam-chang-su-jib' and the value of material is high as much. If you examine the 'Pil-dam' records which was exchanged from senators to senators of both countries at that time, you can directly confirm the universality and difference of the medical science and medicine tradition of various East Asian countries. The purpose of a paper was in consolidation to a base of translation and investigation hereafter to consider the characters embodied in medical conversation in the first half of $18^{th}$ centuries. '~ Rok(錄)' can be an opportunity to organize the customs history through the studying an illness, medicines and a remedy. The necessity of the investigation about medical related conversation by writing is in this place. '~ Ui-dam(醫談)' is considering with the all factors above, the first half of 18th century's medical conversation materials are certificated remarkably valuable materials to the cultural history around the physician at that time. '~ Pil-ur(筆語)' is to use of questions and answers form gives presence and reality at the conversation by writing. So, conversation was let the readers to gain the feeling of movement. Also, the contents are substantially reflected the long history of Eastern medical and revealed medical science, treatment reality at that time. Not correspondent with normal collection of conversation by writing, the medical conversation by writing shows a special quality at rich material to confirm the technocrat's identity. The first half of $18^{th}$ century medical conversation by writing had been a foundation of the rational description system at the coming medical conversation to change the description system according to the envoy's coming situation.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.66
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• pp.331-362
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• 2017

The paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals refer to the paintings based on an influential poem called "The Song of the Eight Drunken Immortals" by Du Fu, a Chinese poet from the Tang Dynasty. This poem is about the eccentricity of the Eight Immortals known for their love of drinking. The Eight Drunken Immortals have been widely appreciated among East Asian intellectuals, and their stories have also been translated into paintings. Greatly influenced by Li Gonglin's Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals, people in China have the tendency to create similar scroll paintings, using contour drawing tools. Meanwhile, in Korea, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals have been widely appreciated both as a type of visual art embodying the Drunken Immortals' taste for the arts and as a meaningful object conveying the people's wish for longevity and eternal friendship. According to historical records, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals from the Ming Dynasty were drawn on eight-fold folding screens using a sophisticated ink wash painting technique. In the meantime, the Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals appreciated by King Jeongjo from the Joseon Dynasty was a colored landscape painting with small human figures on an eight-fold folding screen. Since the recent discovery of Yi Han-cheol's Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals on an eight-fold folding screen, it has now become possible to imagine how renowned artists such as Kim Hong-do and Kim Yang-gi would have made the narrative figure paintings. In particular, the story of Li Bai, one of the Eight Immortals, was the most famous one often told in the paintings. After the 19th century, there was even an entire panel of narrative folding screen made about Li Bai. As painting manuals and outline drawings were pervasively used, the narrative paintings on Li Bai were mass-produced among commoners. As you can see from this, the Eight Drunken Immortals have been visually represented as thirsty souls who are not disconnected from the world, as honest men of refined taste for the arts, and as protagonists of an object that conveys the people's wish for longevity and eternal friendship. In other words, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals embody multiple undertones: as paintings based on Du Fu's poems and as narrative paintings on the Eight Immortals.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.3
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• pp.11-37
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• 2021

Korean ginseng is the one of the most famous medicinal herbs globally and has long been a representative item of East Asian trade, including across China and Japan. Since Joseon (1392-1910) ginseng trade was entirely controlled by the state, The Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty are a valuable resource that can shed light on the history of the ginseng industry at that time. By studying the subsection "The Veritable Records of King Sejong" (世宗實錄), when ginseng was used even more widely, we assess the purpose and scale of its trade in the 15th century, identify its original listing in the geographical appendix, develop a distribution map, and explore similarities to current ginseng cultivation areas. During the reign of King Sejong (1418-1450), ginseng was sent to China as a tribute 101 times, with a combined weight of 7,060 kilograms, with less than one-third of that amount given to Japan and Okinawa. It was used to cover the travel expenses of foreign envoys and servants, but this can be seen to gradually decrease after the regnal mid-term, primarily due to a decrease in the amount of ginseng being collected. At the time, there were 113 areas of naturally growing ginseng as listed in the records' geographical appendix, including 12 recorded in the 'tributes' category: Yeongdeok-gun, Yeongju, and Cheongsong-gun in Gyeongsangbuk-do; Ulju-gun and Ulsan in Gyeongsangnam-do; Jeongeup, Wanju-gun, and Jangsu-gun in Jeollabuk-do; Hwasun-gun in Jeollanam-do; Goksan-gun and Sinpyeong-gun in Hwanghaebuk-do; Jeongju and Taecheon-gun in Pyeonganbuk-do; and Jaseong-gun and Junggang-gun in Jagang-do. A total of 101 places are recorded in the 'medicinal herbs' category, located throughout the mountains of the eight Joseon provinces, except the islands. In comparison with current ginseng cultivation sites, many of these historical areas are either consistent with or adjacent to contemporary locations. The geographical appendix to "The Veritable Records of King Sejong" was compiled in the early days of the king's reign (1432) when there was a lot of wild ginseng. The appendix is a valuable resource that indicates the possibility of growing ginseng on the Korean Peninsula in the future. The apparently natural habitats in the south, where ginseng is not currently cultivated, could be candidates for the future. Moreover, areas in the north where ginseng has not been grown, except Kaesǒng, could be a good alternative under sustainable inter-Korean exchange should cultivation sites move north due to climate warming.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.37
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• pp.297-328
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• 2021

This paper aims to find out from what perspective Joseon Dynasty Confucian scholars evaluated and understood Yang Xiong's guiding principles and literature at the micro level and to reveal the academic trends of Joseon Dynasty Confucian scholars. This topic is approached as follows: first, an evaluation of Yang Xiong's way of living as a 'senior state official of Wang Mang (the controversial Emperor of the short-lived Xin Dynasty)'; second, Yang Xiong's literary character and his literary works; third, Yang Xiong's writing style; and fourth, Yang Xiong's view of good and evil. These can be summarized in three main ways: One is to agree with Zhu Xi's criticism of Yang Xiong as a 'senior state official of Wang Mang' and dismiss his guiding principles, academic achievements, literature, and other accomplishments. Most of these negatives have been found in Confucian scholars who are especially enthusiastic about theology. Examples include Hong Jikpil, Wi Baekgyu, Kim Wonhaeng, and Lee Sangjeong. In the case of kings such as King Yeong-Jo, the assessment of Yang Xiong is quite similar. The following assessments of Yang Xiong are positive though. Positive assessments are presented from two different views. One is a balanced approach that covers both the positive and negative aspects of Yang Xiong. For example, Heo-Kyun's understanding. Another positive view can be analyzed from three perspectives. The first case is when the scholars assessing Yang Xiong were not deeply influenced by Zhu Xi's criticism of him. Seo Geojeong and Seong-Hyeon are examples. The second case are those that broke away from theology or adhered to Silhak [Practical Studies]. Yi-Ik is an example. Third, assessments from scholars who posited that truth was of a pluralistic nature. Jang-Yu is an example of such scholars. Regarding theories of human nature; however, there was consensus among Confucian scholars that Mengzi held that human nature is good, and thereby it was common to criticize Yang Xiong's theory that human nature was a mixture of good and evil. From an ideal micro perspective, Joseon Dynasty Confucian scholars' different assessments of Yang Xiong show that their understanding and evaluation of Yang Xiong differed in accordance with their own differing worldviews and ideas.