• Journal of Public Diplomacy
• /
• v.2 no.1
• /
• pp.28-42
• /
• 2022

The aim of this article is to rethink the role of international trade as a public diplomacy tool by considering the uncertainties that stem from political tensions. The main contribution made in this article is theoretical rather than statistical. However, we analyze trade and public opinion data to study the relationship between both factors. Using Latinobarometer, a cross-sectional survey that collects public opinion data from Latin America, this article analyses public opinion toward the United States and China. One of the main takeaways from this study is that, despite its potential to showcase political stability, public diplomacy undervalues 'unintended consequences' of international trade relations. This article takes up international trade as an unintended, but arguably effective, resource to be developed for the practice of public diplomacy. Findings presented in this article do not claim causation between trade and opinion, something that can be explored by further research, but rather introduce new questions for further research on the public diplomacy of trade relations.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
• /
• v.1 no.1
• /
• pp.111-113
• /
• 2021

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• v.11 no.2
• /
• pp.27-45
• /
• 2012

Among political scientists, Japan's free trade agreements (FTA) with member nations of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has been considered to be a political tool that can compete against China for regional leadership in East Asia. However, this paper demonstrates that Japan's so-called FTA diplomacy towards ASEAN nations serves the broad interests of Japanese actors in both the political and economic sectors. Given the attention to Japanese domestic political issues, it is argued that diplomacy primarily facilitates a need for free trade with ASEAN and ASEAN markets for Japanese corporations to compete in the global economy and for the government to nurture Japan's stagnant economy by assisting these corporations. This work also contends that the unclear function of FTA as an economic good is due to the lack of the government capacity to effectively manage FTA diplomacy. This partly results from the conventional view with regard to Sino-Japanese rivalry.

• East Asian Economic Review
• /
• v.26 no.1
• /
• pp.49-91
• /
• 2022

Recent years have witnessed renewed interest in Africa and public diplomacy has emerged as the vital tool being used to cultivate these relations. China has been leading in pursuing stronger economic partnership with Africa while middle powers such as Korea are also intensifying engagement with the continent. While previous studies have analyzed the implications of China's activities in Africa on advanced powers, none has examined them from the paradigm of middle powers. This study fills this gap by assessing China's activities in Africa, their economic engagement and implications for Korea's interest in Africa. The analysis is qualitative based on secondary data from various sources and literature. The study shows that China's public diplomacy strategy involves a high degree of innovation and has evolved to encompass new tools and audiences. China has institutionalized a cooperative model that permeates many aspects of governance institutions in Africa, enabling it to strengthen their relations. This could also be helping China to adjust faster leadership transitions in Africa. Whereas the US is still the most influential country in Africa, China is influential in economic policies and has outstripped the US in infrastructure diplomacy. This could be because African policy makers align more with China's economic model than the US' mainstream economics. Chinese aid to Africa has been diversified to social sectors that are more responsive to the needs of Africa. Trade and investment relations between China and Africa have deepened, but so does trade imbalance since 2010. China mainly imports natural resources and raw materials from Africa. But this product portfolio is not different from Korea and the US. China's energetic insertion in Africa using various strategies has significant implications for countries with ambitions in Africa. Korea can achieve its ambitions in Africa by focusing resources in areas it can leverage its core strengths-such as education and vocational training, environmental policy and development cooperation.

• Journal of Korea Trade
• /
• v.26 no.8
• /
• pp.37-57
• /
• 2022

Purpose -International diplomacy is key for the cohesive economic growth of countries around the world. This study aims to identify the major topics discussed and make sense of word pairs used in sentences by Chinese senior leaders during their diplomatic visits. It also compares the differences between key topics addressed during diplomatic visits to developed and developing countries. Design/methodology - We employed three methods: word frequency, co-word, and semantic network analysis. Text data are crawling state and official visit news released by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China regarding diplomatic visits undertaken from 2015-2019. Findings - The results show economic and diplomatic relations most prominently during state and official visits. The discussion topics were classified according to nine centrality keywords most central to the structure and had the maximum influence in China. Moreover, the results showed that China's diplomatic issues and strategies differ between developed and developing countries. The topics mentioned in developing countries were more diverse. Originality/value - Our study proposes an effective approach to identify key topics in Chinese diplomatic talks with other countries. Moreover, it shows that discussion topics differ for developed and developing countries. The findings of this research can help researchers conduct empirical studies on diplomacy relationships and extend our method to other countries. Additionally, it can significantly help key policymakers gain insights into negotiations and establish a good diplomatic relationship with China.

• Journal of Industrial Convergence
• /
• v.19 no.6
• /
• pp.1-10
• /
• 2021

This study sought ways to strengthen the competitiveness of local governments using public diplomacy, especially in Chungcheongbuk-do, at a time when it is urgent to revitalize the local economy by attracting investment from domestic and foreign companies due to changes in the global supply chain. The main issues that have recently emerged in the global business environment include strengthening the localization of the global value chain, diversifying reshoring and supply chains, and creating an efficient global value chain through digital transformation. Therefore, this study emphasized the necessity of a strategy for public diplomacy based on these changes, and derived the response conditions and detailed strategies of Chungcheongbuk-do through SWOT analysis. In addition, based on the ABCD model, we set up a Chungbuk-type public diplomacy strategy and suggested strategic implications for upgrading Chungbuk's competitiveness.

• Journal of architectural history
• /
• v.32 no.2
• /
• pp.49-62
• /
• 2023

This study was prepared for the purpose of restorative consideration such as the construction background, scale, and location of buildings by comparing the historical materials of two countries, Korea and Japan, focusing on Choryanggaeksa. Choryanggaeksa was a building with a special purpose installed in Dongnaebu in the late Joseon Dynasty, and was also a space exclusively for Japanese envoys. When Choryangwaegwan, the only place of diplomacy and trade with Japan in the late Joseon Dynasty, moved in 1678, Choryanggaeksa was also built and continued until its function ceased due to the modern opening of the port. As diplomacy and trade with Japan take place in the category of Choryangwaegwan, the existence of an interpreter takes an important place. Therefore, Seongsindang, a space for interpreters, was built near Choryanggaeksa. When the modern port opened in 1876, Choryanggaeksa and Seongsindang lost their original function, but the building remained. However, after the 1890s, a Superintendent office was built on the site of Choryanggaeksa, and a school was established on the site of Seongsindang. It was destroyed when the site of Choryanggaeksa and Seongsindang was converted during the opening of the port, and its remains cannot be found today due to urbanization.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
• /
• v.20 no.2
• /
• pp.275-288
• /
• 2004

The rising of east-north economic bloc is notable in world economy due to the rapidly growth of china economy. The China's economic standing is gradually higher and higher because the joining of the WTO at 2001, development of the exterior open-door policy and the expansion of the trade between chain and several nations. Since Korea and China normalized diplomatic ties in 1992, the two have made remarkable progress in bilateral relations in the fields of economy and diplomacy in particular. The amount of Korea's trade with China has increased by over 20% a year on the average because of the development of the economic cooperation of Korea and China. That is to say, China was sixth trade partner by the end of 1993, based on the amount of trade. But China became third partner at 1993, second partner at 2003 and first partner at the first half of 2004, based on the amount of trade. Korea can not trade with China from the Korea's port opening period to Cold War period after second world war. But historically, the two countries have shared a active and long history of trade relations from the ancient times up to now. This is because two countries get near geographically and two countries have a implication of history and culture. Not only had Korea trade with China at prehistoric age, but also at BC 7. We knew that Korea had traded with China very actively at ancient times through the Paekje(Korea's ancient country) people's village at Santung province and Changbogo's trade works. Korea-china trade relation has played an important role for the development of world economy. Therefor, based on reviewing the korea-china trade, I study the historical meaning of the trade at the region of east-north asia.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
• /
• v.11 no.6
• /
• pp.826-834
• /
• 2003

This research is to reveal an aspect of costume culture and a phase of the cloths in the relationship of the Chosun dynasty, by considering the exported goods from the Chosun dynasty of the trading goods derived by the trade diplomacy between the two countries in the Chosun dynasty-Japan relationship in the 15th and 16th. The research findings, by analyzing various literatures and related documents, follow. The research results are as follow. The exchange was the form of presenting a return present in return for a tribute to the Chosun dynasty from the Japanese envoy, which has a polycentric characteristic. Pusanpo, Naipo, and Yumpo were designated as the open ports, which played a pivotal role in the Korea-Japan exchange. The imported goods were somok, peppers, drug-stuffs, gold, bronze, sulfur, etc. The exported goods were books and cloths, such as hemp cloths, cotton cloths, silk, etc. The majority of exported goods was cloths, particularly cotton cloths. Meanwhile, in the 15th and the 16th century, with expanding of active trade towards Japan, the amount of export increased rapidly. As a result of the increase of exporting cotton cloths, the raw cottons production was increased and cotton cloth manufacturing was developed. However, it also expanded a dual structure of cotton cloths between the cotton cloths for exports and the cotton cloths for domestic markets. This dual structure of cotton cloth was lead to the deterioration of cotton cloths and had an effect on the price increases of domestic markets.

• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.2 no.2
• /
• pp.111-141
• /
• 2018

By the middle of 2018 there are signs of China's entry into a new period of development, characterized by a change in the old model: "market reforms-inner-party democratization - moderate foreign policy" to another: "market reforms - Xi Jinping personality cult - offensive foreign policy." This model contains the risks of arising of the contradiction between economic freedom and political-ideological rigidity which can lead to destabilization of the political life. However, in the current positive economic dynamics, these risks may come out, rather, in the medium and long term. Today, the political situation in China remains stable - despite growing dissatisfaction in scientific expert and educational circles due to increased control over the intellectual sphere by the authorities. The need for a new redistribution of power between central and provincial authorities could potentially disrupt political stability in the medium term, but, at the moment, is not a critical negative factor. The economic situation is positive-stable. Forecasts indicate a possible increase in China's GDP in 2018 at 6.5%. At the same time, there are negative expectations in connection with the Sino-US and potentially Sino-European "trade war". In the Chinese foreign policy, as a response to Western pressure, China increasingly uses the Russian direction of its diplomacy in the expanded version of Russia + SCO. The nuance here is seen in China's adjusted approach to the SCO: first of all, not as a mechanism for cooperation with Russia, but as an organization that allows using Russia's potential for pressure on the US in the Sino-US strategic rivalry. In the second half of 2018, the Chinese economy will continue to develop steadily, albeit with unresolved traditional problems (debts of provinces and state-owned enterprises, ineffective state sector, risks on the financial and real estate market). In politics, discontent with the cult of Xi will accumulate, but without real threats to its power. Weakening in economic opposition between China and the United States is possible due to Beijing's search for compromises on tariffs, intellectual property, trade deficit. To find such trade-offs, Xi will use the so-called. "Personal diplomacy" of direct contacts with Trump.