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Morphological Traits of Selected Chestnut Races and its Propagation Studies (밤나무 우량품종(優良品種)의 형태학적(形態學的) 특징(特徵)과 증식(增殖)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Yim, Kyong-Bin;Kwon, Ki-Won
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.49-62
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    • 1974
  • 1. In the comparison of survival ratio among three different methods(bark graft, veneer graft, root graft), bark graft showed the highest survival ratio and root graft was the lowest. It was shown to be significant at the level of 5% in the analysis of variance for the results. It was able to be supposed that one of the main causes for the results was the different amounts of ferric tannic acid which was formated owing to the reaction of grafting knife with tannic acid oozing from cutting faces of the tree. In juvenile tissue graft, the survival ratio of inverted radicle graft was a little higher than that of juvenile stem graft, but there was no significant difference between two methods in analysis of variance. 2. The most hairs of chestnut tree leaves were recognized as stellates on the most part of leaves except for venation. The number of rays in the stellates was ranged from 4 to 8 generally. It was shown to be highly significant differences at the level of 1% among the each race growing at the similar environmental condition in the length of ray and the distributed ratio of the stellates having different ray number. 3. Excepting for the basal width of serration there were no significant differences between $Imakita_1$, $Imakita_2$ as well as between $Teteuchi_1$, $Teteuchi_2$ at the each point of experimental items in this study. Such results made this study more useful. 4. Among the races that were growing in the similar environmental condition, there were highly significant differences at the level of 1% in the length and the width of serration. 5. The rolling of hair, the angle of serration from the leaf margin, the existence of lateral vein in the serration, the intrusion of main vein into the serration and the width of main vein were observed to be somewhat useful as the subsidiary methods for the identification of chestnut races.

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Carbon Reduction by and Quantitative Models for Landscape Tree Species in Southern Region - For Camellia japonica, Lagerstroemia indica, and Quercus myrsinaefolia - (남부지방 조경수종의 탄소저감과 계량모델 - 동백나무, 배롱나무 및 가시나무를 대상으로 -)

  • Jo, Hyun-Kil;Kil, Sung-Ho;Park, Hye-Mi;Kim, Jin-Young
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.47 no.3
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    • pp.31-38
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    • 2019
  • This study quantified, through a direct harvesting method, storage and annual uptake of carbon from open-grown trees for three landscape tree species frequently planted in the southern region of Korea, and developed quantitative models to easily estimate the carbon reduction by tree growth for each species. The tree species for the study included Camellia japonica, Lagerstroemia indica, and Quercus myrsinaefolia, for which no information on carbon storage and uptake was available. Ten tree individuals for each species (a total of 30 individuals) were sampled considering various stem diameter sizes at given intervals. The study measured biomass for each part of the sample trees to quantify the total carbon storage per tree. Annual carbon uptake per tree was computed by analyzing the radial growth rates of the stem samples at breast height or ground level. Quantitative models were developed using stem diameter as an independent variable to easily calculate storage and annual uptake of carbon per tree for study species. All the quantitative models showed high fitness with $r^2$ values of 0.94-0.98. The storage and annual uptake of carbon from a Q. myrsinaefolia tree with dbh of 10 cm were 24.0 kg and 4.5 kg/yr, respectively. A C. japonica tree and L. indica tree with dg of 10 cm stored 11.2 kg and 8.1 kg of carbon and annually sequestered 2.6 kg and 1.2 kg, respectively. The above-mentioned carbon storage equaled the amount of carbon emitted from the gasoline consumption of about 42 L for Q. myrsinaefolia, 20 L for C. japonica, and 14 L for L. indica. A tree with the diameter size of 10 cm annually offset carbon emissions from gasoline use of approximately 8 L for Q. myrsinaefolia, 5 L for C. japonica, and 2 L for L. indica. The study pioneers in quantifying biomass and carbon reduction for the landscape tree species in the southern region despite difficulties in direct cutting and root digging of the planted trees.

Analysis of Index Component Content and Antioxidant Activity According to the Root Diameter of Angelica gigas Nakai (참당귀 뿌리 직경별 지표성분 함량 및 항산화 활성 분석)

  • Lee, Sang-Hoon;Lee, So-Hee;Jin, Meilan;Hong, Chung-Oui;Hur, Mok;Han, Jong-Won;Lee, Woo-Moon;Yun, Hyeong Muk;Kim, Yeon Bok;Lee, Yi;Koo, Sung Cheol
    • Korean Journal of Plant Resources
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    • v.32 no.2
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    • pp.116-123
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    • 2019
  • Angelica gigas Nakai (AGN) is a traditional medicinal herb especially in Korea. It contains pyranocoumarins, which are major active components including decursin (D) and decursinol angelate (DA). This study was carried out to determine the change in active component content and antioxidant activity depending on the root diameter of AGN. Several processing steps are involved to use AGN roots as medicine. The dried AGN roots are divided into body (B), thick root (TkR), medium root (MR) and thin root (TnR) according to their diameter before cutting into medicine. The recovery rates of each root parts per 100 kg were measured as $32.3{\pm}2.5$, $9.0{\pm}1.0$, $39.3{\pm}2.1$ and $15.0{\pm}1.0%$, respectively and the mean diameters were measured as $51.95{\pm}4.55$, $7.05{\pm}0.89$, $2.88{\pm}0.49$ and $1.57{\pm}0.32mm$. Two index components, D and DA, were analyzed. The change of both D and DA content showed a similar tendency. Both D and DA content were increased as the root diameter decreased (higher in TnR). In addition, antioxidant activity was higher in B and TnR, and lower in TkR and MR than control. This study showed that the thinner the root diameter, the higher the D and DA content in AGN roots and that TnR has excellent antioxidant activity compared to other root parts, suggesting that the thinner root part of AGN could be used as a potential material.

The study on the formation and influence about the epigraph form the Bal-Hae Dynasty (발해 묘지(墓誌) 양식의 형성배경과 영향)

  • Park, Jae bok
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.34
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    • pp.225-255
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    • 2009
  • Few data on the epigraph from the Bal-Hae Dynasty have been reported so far. The present paper, based on an examination of the style of the epitaphic tombstones of Princess Jeong-Hye and Princess Jeong-Hyo, investigates the historical formation and characteristics of Balhae's epitaphic style and its influences on the posterior periods. The epitaphs from the Bal-Hae Dynasty have the following epigraphic characteristics and historical significances. First, Bal-Hae's epitaphs are similar to those from the Goguryeo Dynasty in the sense that they are angular in their form. Tombstones with angular head first appeared during the East Han period. During the Wi-Jin period, however, as tombstones were not allowed to be erected in front of the tomb, small-sized epitaphic tombstones were set up inside tombs. Typical tombstones from the Dang Dynasty had stone pole and square cover. Unlike those from the Dang and the Tong-Il Silla Dynasties, however, the epitaphs from Bal-Hae had angular head in their tombstone body. The Bal-Hae's angular headed tombstones are very likely to testify that Goguryeo's epitaphs, which features an influence from the Wi-Jin Nambuk-Jo period, in turn exerted an effect on those from the Bal-Hae Dynasty. Second, Bal-Hae's epitaphic tombstones are characterized by their hexagonal head,which were modified from the then typical pentagonal head by cutting out the sharp point. The hexagonal head, which has not been found in its neighboring countries during the same historical period, is peculiar to the epitaphic tombstones from the Bal-Hae Dynasty. Third, the edge lines and ornamental figures first appeared in Bal-Hae's epitaphic tombstones, as seen in those of Princess Jeong-Hye. In the fa?ade of the epitaphic tombstone, a carved line demarcates its rectangular body and trapezoidal head. Four faces of the body stonehave two parallel lines in their edges within which vignette was inscribed, and the trapezoidal head part was ornamented with flower figures. Fourth, Bal-Hae's epitaphic tombstone had an extensive influence on the posterior countries in its neighborhood. The epitaphic tombstones in the Bal-Hae style are very often found in those of the Goryeo Dynasty and the Yo Dynasty which were greatly influenced from Bal-Hae. The vestiges of Bal-Hae's epitaphic style are also found in those from the Song, the Geum, and the Won Dynasties.

The Composition and Principles of Seoul Jinogigut (Shamanistic Ritual) (서울 진오기굿의 재차구성과 의미)

  • Hong, Teahan
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.22
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    • pp.93-121
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    • 2011
  • This article is concerned with the withdrawal of the compositional principle of Jinogigut which has been performed in Seoul and the identification of its meaning based on the withdrawal. Jinogigut is a world where a god is connected to humans in complicated manners, this world and the world of the dead coexist, and it is a process of demonstrating that the dead, who have stayed in the world of humans, enter the world of a god. Jinogigut shows the process of leading the dead to the world of the dead one after another. First, the god-centered street is continued, and the gut displays through which process a god will guide the dead to the world of the dead. Next, is a human-centered street, which exhibits the appearance of the dead heading to the world of the dead following the death angel, more in detail. Finally, a human-centered structure shows how humans enter the world of the dead. Through this repetition, it reveals that the dead take a seat in the world of the dead, at last. The organization of the later part of the world of the dead-oriented gut in Jinogigut, which is god-centered, continues to a human-centered gut through the meeting between a god and humans. and , which are continued, followed by , are ceremonial rituals that confirm the dead entering the world of the dead without any problem. Begareugi shows that the entering of the dead into the world of the dead was completed with perfection by cutting hemp cloth, and informs the living that the dead expressed gratitude for holding the ritual for him/her by appearing at the venue of the gut once again and that the dead settled into the world of death. , which finally holds ancestral rites to the god of ancestors who is seated in the world of the dead, reveals that the dead, who had been a human, has been transformed into the god of ancestors through Jinogigut. Jinogigut also performs the function of comforting a client (who is the family of the dead) of the gut, who has faced a sudden death in his/her family. What is the most important for consoling the client is to display that the dead has entered the world of the dead without any problem. Jinogigut shows this process through a three-layered structure. It exhibits how the dead would be moved to the world of gods, as well as the safe entering of the dead who followed Jeoseung-saja(envoy from the world of the dead) and who had appeared to this world from the world of the dead. Then, it demonstrates again the appearance of the dead entering the world of the dead following Barigongu; thus, it placates the heart of the client's family.

A Study on Problems and Improvement of Home-help Services of Long-term Care Insurance (노인장기요양보험 재가서비스의 문제점과 개선방안)

  • Lee, Jun Woo;Jin, Hee
    • 한국노년학
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    • v.29 no.1
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    • pp.149-175
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    • 2009
  • The purpose of this research is to analyze the overall problems at the moment of October 2008, and then to find the improvements of home-help services of the Long-Term Care Insurance(LTCI), which has been revealed many problems since it was released in July 2008. The research uses the literature survey which analyzes 2nd-hand materials studied by other people already, and survey research was executed from active social workers in the area of LTCI. Based on the policy analysis framework of Gilbert and Specht, all the data are analyzed in the scopes of client·benefit(service)·finance·transferring system. This research has found the problems in each scope of home-help services of the LTCI. Firstly, the client system has some problems in mismatching between registered and service clients, estimating client number, and judging service levels. Secondly, the service system reveals deficiency in professionality of social workers, service quality lowering by loose qualification criteria on workers, non-reasonable limitation of service time available, and the same fare system applied to visiting-help service in spite of different levels. Thirdly, in financing system, clients need to pay additional money to get extra services such as meal, hair cutting, bathing etc., due to government financial support stopped, some organizations have to reduce services and replace full-time workers to part-time ones, which makes the service quality worse. Lastly, in the transferring system, the management system for service quality is not well prepared. There are too much competion because of allowing too many home-help service organizations and care worker academies. The suggestions that this research has found to improve the policy are as follows. ① It is desirable to make the registered clients the service ones as many as possible in the long term perspective. ② The LTCI organization requires more workers and higher professionality. ③ Many elderly people who are not eligible now require connection system to be more served. ④ Management system and service manual for care worker are to be developed. ⑤ Laws related to the service contents and process should be modified, the proportion of client charge needs to adjust. ⑥ Home-help service organization licensed by the LTCI needs to be financially supported publicly. ⑦ Monitoring system to home-help service organization needs to be strengthened. ⑧ Evaluation tools to home-help service organization and workers is required. ⑨ Specification to open the home-help service organization needs to be more strict.

The Garden Archaeological Value of Okhojeong through Kim Jo-sun's Punggojip (김조순의 풍고집(楓皐集)을 통해서 본 옥호정의 정원고고학적 가치)

  • Shin, Hyun-Sil
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.41 no.4
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    • pp.49-56
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    • 2023
  • This study analyzes the entirety of Okhojeongdo's content found in the Punggojip, written by Kim Jo-Sun, who created Okhojeong. Through an examination of the literature confirming Okhojeong within the Punggojip, the study compares the existing research with the Okhojeongdo's content. Additionally, it clarifies the relationships between the disciple, the garden, and related historical facts. The results are as follows. First, Kim Jo-Sun, who created Okhojeong, had a strong literary inclination, which made it relatively easy to estimate the original form of the garden, as he expressed detailed content related to the design and management of the garden. Second, the historical dating of the creation of Okhojeong was previously estimated to be around 1815 based on the inscriptions on the Eulhaebyeok. However, it is more appropriate to revise this to 1804, as revealed by Lee Sung-min, who discovered records in Dongseonggyoyeojip, indicating that Kim Jo-Sun purchased the Jang's house. Third, Kim Jo-Sun's literary hobby, as depicted in Punggojip, closely followed Chinese classics. However, the part about creating the garden is supported by factual and garden archaeological records, giving it inherent value. Regarding the expansion of the garden site, it is estimated that the southern boundary of Okhojeong was extended by about half a unit(kan; 間) through a transfer from Kim saeng Saho. Various additions, stone statues, peculiar rocks, ornamental trees, and accompanying elements are found throughout the garden. Particularly noteworthy are the techniques and aesthetics of creating a stone pagoda, and there are mentions of transplanting young pine trees with professional insights. The love for harmony and elegance in the garden is woven throughout the poetry. Additionally, the process of selecting the location for Okhojeong, the understanding of the terrain and topography, the assessment of existing vegetation, the process of cutting down trees and selecting the soil, the construction of houses with tiles and thatched roofs all contribute to demonstrating the comprehensive stages of creating Okhojeong, providing insight into the location and construction process of the Sanbanru pavilion, showcasing the archaeological value of the garden. A follow-up study is needed to excavate more information about the original form of Okhojeong garden through the interpretation of the collections of the literary works of the influential figures introduced in Punggojip in the future.

Environmental Interpretation on soil mass movement spot and disaster dangerous site for precautionary measures -in Peong Chang Area- (산사태발생지(山沙汰發生地)와 피해위험지(被害危險地)의 환경학적(環境學的) 해석(解析)과 예방대책(豫防對策) -평창지구(平昌地區)를 중심(中心)으로-)

  • Ma, Sang Kyu
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.45 no.1
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    • pp.11-25
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    • 1979
  • There was much mass movement at many different mountain side of Peong Chang area in Kwangwon province by the influence of heavy rainfall through August/4 5, 1979. This study have done with the fact observed through the field survey and the information of the former researchers. The results are as follows; 1. Heavy rainfall area with more than 200mm per day and more than 60mm per hour as maximum rainfall during past 6 years, are distributed in the western side of the connecting line through Hoeng Seong, Weonju, Yeongdong, Muju, Namweon and Suncheon, and of the southern sea side of KeongsangNam-do. The heavy rain fan reason in the above area seems to be influenced by the mouktam range and moving direction of depression. 2. Peak point of heavy rainfall distribution always happen during the night time and seems to cause directly mass movement and serious damage. 3. Soil mass movement in Peongchang break out from the course sandy loam soil of granite group and the clay soil of lime stone and shale. Earth have moved along the surface of both bedrock or also the hardpan in case of the lime stone area. 4. Infiltration seems to be rapid on the both bedrock soil, the former is by the soil texture and the latter is by the crumb structure, high humus content and dense root system in surface soil. 5. Topographic pattern of mass movement spot is mostly the concave slope at the valley head or at the upper part of middle slope which run-off can easily come together from the surrounding slope. Soil profile of mass movement spot has wet soil in the lime stone area and loose or deep soil in the granite area. 6. Dominant slope degree of the soil mass movement site has steep slope, mostly, more than 25 degree and slope position that start mass movement is mostly in the range of the middle slope line to ridge line. 7. Vegetation status of soil mass movement area are mostly fire field agriculture area, it's abandoned grass land, young plantation made on the fire field poor forest of the erosion control site and non forest land composed mainly grass and shrubs. Very rare earth sliding can be found in the big tree stands but mostly from the thin soil site on the un-weatherd bed rock. 8. Dangerous condition of soil mass movement and land sliding seems to be estimated by the several environmental factors, namely, vegetation cover, slope degree, slope shape and position, bed rock and soil profile characteristics etc. 9. House break down are mostly happen on the following site, namely, colluvial cone and fan, talus, foot area of concave slope and small terrace or colluvial soil between valley and at the small river side Dangerous house from mass movement could be interpreted by the aerial photo with reference of the surrounding site condition of house and village in the mountain area 10. As a counter plan for the prevention of mass movement damage the technics of it's risk diagnosis and the field survey should be done, and the mass movement control of prevention should be started with the goverment support as soon as possible. The precautionary measures of house and village protection from mass movement damage should be made and executed and considered the protecting forest making around the house and village. 11. Dangerous or safety of house and village from mass movement and flood damage will be indentified and informed to the village people of mountain area through the forest extension work. 12. Clear cutting activity on the steep granite site, fire field making on the steep slope, house or village construction on the dangerous site and fuel collection in the eroded forest or the steep forest land should be surely prohibited When making the management plan the mass movement, soil erosion and flood problem will be concidered and also included the prevention method of disaster.

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Studies on the Drying Mechanism of Stratified Soil-Comparison between Bare Surface and Grass plot- (성층토양의 건조기구에 관한 연구)

  • 김철기
    • Magazine of the Korean Society of Agricultural Engineers
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    • v.15 no.1
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    • pp.2913-2924
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    • 1973
  • This study was to investigate the drying mechanism of stratified soil by investigating 'effects of the upper soil on moisture loss of the lower soil and vice versa' and at the same time by examining how the drying progressed in the stratified soils with bare surface and with vegetated surface respectively. There were six plots of the stratified soils with bare surface($A_1- A_6$ plot) and the same other six plots($B_1- B_5$ plot), with vegetated surface(white clover). These six plots were made by permutating two kinds of soils from three kinds of soils; clay loam(CL). Sandy loam(SL). Sand(s). Each layer was leveled by saturating sufficient water. Depth of each plot was 40cm by making each layer 20cm deep and its area. $90{\times}90(cm^2)$. The cell was put at the point of the central and mid-depth of the each layer in the each plot in order to measure the soil moisture by using OHMMETER. soil moisture tester, and movement of soil water from out sides was cut off by putting the vinyl on the four sides. The results obtained were as follow; 1. Drying progressed from the surface layer to the lower layer regardless of plots. There was a tendency thet drying of the upper soil was faster than that of the lower soil and drying of the plot with vegetated surface was also faster than that of the plot with bare surface. 2. Soil moisture was recovered at approximately the field capacity or moisture equivalent by infiltration in the course of drying, when there was a rainfall. 3. Effects of soil texture of the lower soil on dryness of the upper soil in the stratified soil were explained as follows; a) When the lower soil was S and the upper, CL or SL, dryness of the upper soils overlying the lower soil of S was much faster than that overlying the lower soil of SL or CL, because sandy soil, having the small field capacity value and playing a part of the layer cutting off to some extent capillary water supply. Drying of SL was remarkably faster than that of CL in the upper soil. b) When the lower soil was SL and the upper S or CL, drying of the upper soil was the slowest because of the lower SL, having a comparatively large field capacity value. Drying of CL tended to be faster than that of S in the upper soil. c) When the lower soil was CL and the upper S or SL, drying of the upper soil was relatively fast because of the lower CL, having the largest field capacity value but the slowest capillary conductivity. Drying of SL tended to be faster than that of S in the upper soil. 4. According to a change in soil moisture content of the upper soil and the lower soil during a day there was a tendency that soil moisture contents of CL and SL in the upper soil were decreased to its minimum value but that of S increased to its maximum value, during 3 hours between 12.00 and 15.00. There was another tendency that soil moisture contents of CL, SL and S in the lower soil were all slightly decreased by temperature rising and those in a cloudy day were smaller than those in a clear day. 5. The ratio of the accumulated soil moisture consumption to the accumulated guage evaporation in the plot with vegetated surface was generally larger than that in the plot with bare surface. The ratio tended to decrease in the course of time, and also there was a tendency that it mainly depended on the texture of the upper soil at the first period and the texture of the lower soil at the last period. 6. A change in the ratio of the accumulated soil moisture consumption was larger in the lower soil of SL than in the lower soil of S. when the upper soil was CL and the lower, SL and S. The ratio showed the biggest figure among any other plots, and the ratio in the lower soil plot of CL indicated sligtly bigger than that in the lower soil plot of S, when the upper soil was SL and the lower, CL and S. The ratio showed less figure than that of two cases above mentioned, when the upper soil was S and the lower CL and SL and that in the lower soil plot of CL indicated a less ratio than that in the lower soil plot of SL. As a result of this experiments, the various soil layers wero arranged in the following order with regard to the ratio of the accumulated soil moisture consumption: SL/CL>SL/S>CL/SL>CL/S$\fallingdotseq$S/SL>S/CL.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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