• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• 제53권2호
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• pp.143-148
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• 2020

Objectives: We calculated life expectancy and inequalities therein by income for the period of 2016-2018 across the 253 electoral constituencies of the 20th National Assembly election in Korea. Methods: We obtained population and death data between 2016 and 2018 from the National Health Information Database and constructed abridged life tables using standard life table procedures according to gender and income quintiles for the electoral constituencies of the 20th National Assembly election held in 2016. Results: Life expectancy across the 253 constituencies ranged from 80.51 years to 87.05 years, corresponding to a gap of 6.54 years. The life expectancy difference by income across the 253 constituencies ranged from 2.94 years to 10.67 years. In each province, the difference in life expectancy by income across electoral constituencies was generally greater than the inter-constituency differences. Constituencies in capital and metropolitan areas showed a higher life expectancy and a lower life expectancy difference by income than constituencies in rural areas. Conclusions: Pro-rich inequalities in life expectancy by income existed in every electoral constituency in Korea. Both intra-constituency and inter-constituency socioeconomic inequalities in health should be highlighted in future policy-making in the National Assembly.

• 에너지공학
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.267-277
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• 2011

후발국에서의 신재생에너지기술의 개발은 어떤 힘에 의해서 추동될까? 후발국의 '녹색 성장'은 '녹색'의 가치 실현을 위해서 추동되는가 아니면 '성장'을 지속하기 위한 새로운 분야의 개척인가? 본 연구는 한국의 신재생에너지 기술개발사업 사례 분석을 통해 후발국 신재생에너지기술개발의 동력에 대한 이해를 돕고자 한다. 환경문제와 기술개발, 기술개발과 '사회기술연맹' 그리고 후발국 '권위주의적 발전국가론'에 대한 기존의 논의를 통해 기술 개발의 동력은 사회기술연맹의 구성에서 찾을 수 있다는 것에 착안하여 연구의 틀을 구성하였고 이를 토대로 선발국 덴마크와 독일의 사례를 분석한 후 한국의 신재생에너지기술개발사업 사례를 분석하였다. 한국은 선진국과는 다르게 산업계와 정부 주도의 성장동맹을 바탕으로 신재생에너지기술개발이 추진되었고 환경시민단체는 정부의 시민단체 국정 참여 정책에 힘입어 신재생에너지정책협의회에 참여함으로써 사회기술연맹을 구성하였다. 따라서 한국의 신재생에너지 사회기술연맹은 '녹색'의 가치 실현보다는 '성장'중심이라는 한계를 갖는다.

• 의정연구
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• 제25권3호
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• pp.5-31
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• 2019

선거제도 변경 추진 과정에서 대표, 다수, 소수, 비례, 등가 등 여러 개념이 정확하게 사용되지 않아 선거제도에 관한 보편적 판단이 잘 이뤄지지 못하고 있다. 이 글은 선거제도 관련 개념 및 용어의 현황을 지적하여 올바른 규범적 논의가 가능하게 하는 기초 연구이다. 먼저, 다수대표제와 소수대표제, 소선거구와 중·대선거구, 절대다수제와 상대다수제, 다수대표제와 비례대표제 등 선거제도 명칭의 오용을 지적하고 보완한다. 다음으로, 대표성, 등가성, 비례성, 게리맨더링, 민주성, 직접선거, 평등선거 등의 원리와 이에 관련된 헌법재판소 결정을 분석한다. 현행 국회의원선거 1인2표제에서는 의원 간 득표 등가성과 정당 간 비례성이 낮으며, 오히려 1인1표제로 환원하되 지역구 및 비례대표를 포함한 전체 의석비가 정당 득표율에 비례하도록 비례대표의석을 배분하는 방식이 유권자의 선거방식 이해도와 정당 간의 비례성을 동시에 높일 수 있다. 끝으로, 국회의원을 비례대표제로 선출하기만 하면 비례대표성이 보장되는 것이 아니라는 맥락에서, 국회의원선거의 비례대표제와 다른 정치제도 간의 정합성을 논의한다.

• 인지과학
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.5-30
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• 1995

포더와 그의 동조자들은 연결주의 모형이 구성적 구조를 보여주지 못하고,또 보여줄 수 있더라도 자신들의 고전주의 모형을 물리적인 차원에서 구현하는 이론일 뿐이라고 공격한다. 연결주의가 구성적 구조를 보여주지 못한다고 주장할때 중요하게 쓰이는 개념이 '고전적 요소성'이다.그런데 글쓴이는 구성적 구조를 보이기 위해서는 고전적 요소성이 필요없으며, 연결주의 모형이 고전적 요소성을 갖추고 있지 못하기 때문에 고전주의의 한갓 구현 노릇에서 빠져 나올수 있다고 주장하겠다.

• 영어어문교육
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.23-48
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• 2003

This paper provides an analysis of the linear constituent order of the NP in three different types of languages based on 33 languages: the NP with the prenominal modifiers, the NP with the postnominal modifiers, and the NP with both prenominal and postnominal modifiers (the mixed NP). Languages have NPs that feature different linear order, of the NP constituents. We attribute such different linear constituent orders within the NP to the linguistic distance and the limits imposed by the constituency and adjacency. We use the various kinds of alignment constraints which properly reflect the linguistic distance between the noun and each constituent. Language universals on word order provide us some general orders of various NP constituents. If we adopt the linguistic distance, the limits imposed by the constituency and the adjacency, and the alignment constraints, we can explain the complicated differences of NP constituent orders of languages of the world.

• 미국학
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• 제44권2호
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• pp.35-65
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• 2021

U.S. lawmakers tend to organize sub-party groups focusing on regions, ideologies, policies, and foreign affairs. Examples include the conservative Freedom Caucus loyal to Trump and the Congressional Black Caucus promoting the interests of African Americans. Then how do these legislative groups affect the making of U.S. foreign policy? Paying special attention to the Korea caucus in U.S. Congress, we have analyzed the sources and processes of congressional caucus and foreign policy and have learned that structures and activities of the caucuses differ from one another. The Korea caucus seems to be a bipartisan group that focuses on issues such as trade, travel, and troubles provoked by Pyongyang. However, the Korea caucus is not really a solid voting bloc for policy alternatives; it is instead more of a constituency-oriented legislative group that prioritizes local interests. This research underscores the need for systematic and comprehensive study of U.S. legislative politics and foreign policy.

• 음성과학
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• 제8권1호
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• pp.21-31
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• 2001

The effects of focus on prosodic phrasing, F0, and duration are investigated paying attention not only to the target of focus but also to the constituents that are outside the domain of focus in Korean. We find that the constituents preceding and following the focused word tend to be dephrased. Dephrasing does not always cover up to the Intonation Phrase boundary contrary to Jun's (1993) claim. Dephrasing caused by focus determines F0 and durational difference between focused and neutral sentences. Syntactic constituency is also shown to playa role in prosodic phrasing.

• 대한산업공학회지
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• 제40권1호
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• pp.60-83
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• 2014

This paper aims to propose a research framework of analyzing voting activities of a national assembly on the basis of member-level voting similarity and provides a case study in the $18^{th}$ national assembly in South Korea. First, we propose a bill contentiousness measure that gives a higher score to bills for which ayes and noes are more diversified in both conservative and progressive parties. Based on the bill contentiousness measure, the top 5%, 10%, and 20% bills were identified and used for further analyses. Moreover, we propose a member-level voting similarity measure that compensates for the lower frequency of noes, and evaluate the pair-wise voting similarities for all lawmakers. Then, voting similarity differences to the affiliated/non-affiliated parties were analyzed for the members in the two major parties according to some internal/external key factors. Finally, similar voting groups were identified and their affiliations were investigated based on the multi-dimensional scaling (MDS) and network analysis techniques. A case study on the $18^{th}$ national assembly of South Korea showed that the cohesion of the members in the 'Hanara' party becomes higher than that of the 'Minju' party as the bill contentiousness increases, whereas the number of elected, local constituency versus proportional representation, and the competition intensity in a local constituency were found to be partially influential to the voting activities of lawmakers. In addition, MDS and network analysis showed that there is a distinctive difference between two parties when all bills are analyzed, whereas the diversity of parties increases in the same group as the bill contentiousness increases.

• 한국언어정보학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국언어정보학회 2002년도 Language, Information, and Computation Proceedings of The 16th Pacific Asia Conference
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• pp.36-49
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• 2002

One main complexity of the copula constructions concerns a mismatch between morphology and syntactic constituency: the copula seems to form a morphological unit with the immediately preceding element, whereas in terms of syntax the copula appears to take this as its syntactic complement. In capturing such mismatches, we show that the copula is treated as an independent verb at the level of tectogrammatical structure (or syntax tree), whereas as a bound morpheme at the level of phonogram-matical structure (or domain tree), in terms of Dowty 1992 (or Reape 1994). This paper, adopting the notion of DOMAIN in HPSG, shows that copula constructions are a subtype of compacting-constructions. These constructions compact the domain value of the copula and that of its preceding element together into one domain unit, eventually making it inert to syntactic phenomena such as scrambling, deletion and pro-form substitution. This construction-based approach provides a clean analysis for the formation of the copula construction and related phenomena.

• 한국영어학회지:영어학
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• 제3권2호
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• pp.157-180
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• 2003

Why should quantifiers float\ulcorner This is the question that this paper sets out to answer. In the past, research concentrated on how the theory should account for the non-constituency of a quantificational determiner and the NP it quantifies over. Successful as they might have been, those theories have little, if anything to offer as an answer to the question why quantifiers would float. Here we sketch a theory that puts the scopal properties of FQs (already observed by Dowty and Brodie, 1984) in the center of their properties. We construct a theory in which FQs are simple scope markers and float when differential scope needs to be marked.