• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.53 no.2
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• pp.143-148
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• 2020

Objectives: We calculated life expectancy and inequalities therein by income for the period of 2016-2018 across the 253 electoral constituencies of the 20th National Assembly election in Korea. Methods: We obtained population and death data between 2016 and 2018 from the National Health Information Database and constructed abridged life tables using standard life table procedures according to gender and income quintiles for the electoral constituencies of the 20th National Assembly election held in 2016. Results: Life expectancy across the 253 constituencies ranged from 80.51 years to 87.05 years, corresponding to a gap of 6.54 years. The life expectancy difference by income across the 253 constituencies ranged from 2.94 years to 10.67 years. In each province, the difference in life expectancy by income across electoral constituencies was generally greater than the inter-constituency differences. Constituencies in capital and metropolitan areas showed a higher life expectancy and a lower life expectancy difference by income than constituencies in rural areas. Conclusions: Pro-rich inequalities in life expectancy by income existed in every electoral constituency in Korea. Both intra-constituency and inter-constituency socioeconomic inequalities in health should be highlighted in future policy-making in the National Assembly.

• Journal of Energy Engineering
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.267-277
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• 2011

The study looks at the development of new & renewable technology in a latecomer country, Korea. The main question is whether the development is driven by 'green demand' from the people or by the 'growth demand' from the industry. It also asks what are the characteristics of socio-technical constituency behind the development of new & renewable energy technology; growth-centered or environment-centered. It is found out that a 'New & renewable energy technology socio-techical constituency', consisted of NGOs, industry and government in the form of membership to New & Renwable Energy Policy Council of the government program, was established driving the development of new & renewable energy technology development in Korea. Yet, the coalition among them was based on 'the desire for growth' rather than 'the concern for environment'. The changes in authoritarian development state such as the adoption of governance approach to public decision-making process also contributed to the formation of the constituency.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.5-31
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• 2019

In the process of changing the Korean electoral system, various terms such as representation, majority, minority, plurality, and proportionality are not used correctly, making normative judgment on its desirable electoral system difficult. This paper clarifies the concepts and terminology related to the electoral system in order to enable proper normative discussion. First, the misuse of the names of the electoral system is reviewed. This includes the majority representative system versus the minority representative system, the single-member constituency versus the multi-member constituency, the absolute majority system versus the relative majority system, and the majority representative system versus the proportional representative system. Next, the principles of representation, proportionality, democracy, direct ballot, and equal ballot are discussed to evaluate the decisions made by the Constitutional Court of Korea. In the current electoral system of the National Assembly, the equivalence between its constituency member and its proportional representation member is very low in terms of proportionality between votes received and seats allotted. Finally, the coherence between proportional representation and other political institutions is examined. Strengthening the proportionality of parliamentary elections alone does not necessarily increase the proportionality of the entire power structure.

• Korean Journal of Cognitive Science
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.5-30
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• 1995

Fodor and his followers argue that connectionist model does not have compositional structure,or else it is merely an implementation of a classicist model.'Classical constityency'is used importantly to show connectionist model does not have compositional structure.However,in contrast Fodor and his followers,I maintain that it is possible for connectionist model to have compositional structure without attributing classical constituency to cognitive model,and the very classical consitiuency makes the connectionist model nonimplementational.

• English Language & Literature Teaching
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.23-48
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• 2003

This paper provides an analysis of the linear constituent order of the NP in three different types of languages based on 33 languages: the NP with the prenominal modifiers, the NP with the postnominal modifiers, and the NP with both prenominal and postnominal modifiers (the mixed NP). Languages have NPs that feature different linear order, of the NP constituents. We attribute such different linear constituent orders within the NP to the linguistic distance and the limits imposed by the constituency and adjacency. We use the various kinds of alignment constraints which properly reflect the linguistic distance between the noun and each constituent. Language universals on word order provide us some general orders of various NP constituents. If we adopt the linguistic distance, the limits imposed by the constituency and the adjacency, and the alignment constraints, we can explain the complicated differences of NP constituent orders of languages of the world.

• American Studies
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• v.44 no.2
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• pp.35-65
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• 2021

U.S. lawmakers tend to organize sub-party groups focusing on regions, ideologies, policies, and foreign affairs. Examples include the conservative Freedom Caucus loyal to Trump and the Congressional Black Caucus promoting the interests of African Americans. Then how do these legislative groups affect the making of U.S. foreign policy? Paying special attention to the Korea caucus in U.S. Congress, we have analyzed the sources and processes of congressional caucus and foreign policy and have learned that structures and activities of the caucuses differ from one another. The Korea caucus seems to be a bipartisan group that focuses on issues such as trade, travel, and troubles provoked by Pyongyang. However, the Korea caucus is not really a solid voting bloc for policy alternatives; it is instead more of a constituency-oriented legislative group that prioritizes local interests. This research underscores the need for systematic and comprehensive study of U.S. legislative politics and foreign policy.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.21-31
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• 2001

The effects of focus on prosodic phrasing, F0, and duration are investigated paying attention not only to the target of focus but also to the constituents that are outside the domain of focus in Korean. We find that the constituents preceding and following the focused word tend to be dephrased. Dephrasing does not always cover up to the Intonation Phrase boundary contrary to Jun's (1993) claim. Dephrasing caused by focus determines F0 and durational difference between focused and neutral sentences. Syntactic constituency is also shown to playa role in prosodic phrasing.

• Journal of Korean Institute of Industrial Engineers
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• v.40 no.1
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• pp.60-83
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• 2014

This paper aims to propose a research framework of analyzing voting activities of a national assembly on the basis of member-level voting similarity and provides a case study in the $18^{th}$ national assembly in South Korea. First, we propose a bill contentiousness measure that gives a higher score to bills for which ayes and noes are more diversified in both conservative and progressive parties. Based on the bill contentiousness measure, the top 5%, 10%, and 20% bills were identified and used for further analyses. Moreover, we propose a member-level voting similarity measure that compensates for the lower frequency of noes, and evaluate the pair-wise voting similarities for all lawmakers. Then, voting similarity differences to the affiliated/non-affiliated parties were analyzed for the members in the two major parties according to some internal/external key factors. Finally, similar voting groups were identified and their affiliations were investigated based on the multi-dimensional scaling (MDS) and network analysis techniques. A case study on the $18^{th}$ national assembly of South Korea showed that the cohesion of the members in the 'Hanara' party becomes higher than that of the 'Minju' party as the bill contentiousness increases, whereas the number of elected, local constituency versus proportional representation, and the competition intensity in a local constituency were found to be partially influential to the voting activities of lawmakers. In addition, MDS and network analysis showed that there is a distinctive difference between two parties when all bills are analyzed, whereas the diversity of parties increases in the same group as the bill contentiousness increases.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society for Language and Information Conference
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• 2002.02a
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• pp.36-49
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• 2002

One main complexity of the copula constructions concerns a mismatch between morphology and syntactic constituency: the copula seems to form a morphological unit with the immediately preceding element, whereas in terms of syntax the copula appears to take this as its syntactic complement. In capturing such mismatches, we show that the copula is treated as an independent verb at the level of tectogrammatical structure (or syntax tree), whereas as a bound morpheme at the level of phonogram-matical structure (or domain tree), in terms of Dowty 1992 (or Reape 1994). This paper, adopting the notion of DOMAIN in HPSG, shows that copula constructions are a subtype of compacting-constructions. These constructions compact the domain value of the copula and that of its preceding element together into one domain unit, eventually making it inert to syntactic phenomena such as scrambling, deletion and pro-form substitution. This construction-based approach provides a clean analysis for the formation of the copula construction and related phenomena.

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.157-180
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• 2003

Why should quantifiers float\ulcorner This is the question that this paper sets out to answer. In the past, research concentrated on how the theory should account for the non-constituency of a quantificational determiner and the NP it quantifies over. Successful as they might have been, those theories have little, if anything to offer as an answer to the question why quantifiers would float. Here we sketch a theory that puts the scopal properties of FQs (already observed by Dowty and Brodie, 1984) in the center of their properties. We construct a theory in which FQs are simple scope markers and float when differential scope needs to be marked.