• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.35-45
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• 1998

Confucianism, the dominating thought in the Choson Dynasty, considered the congruence of scholar and bureaucrat as principle of royal politics, so it was the important affairs to educate and select scholars who excelled in Confucian science and its historical view. The process to educate and select the scholars in accordance with the spirit of Confucianism was called the civil service examination. In this study, we examined the dress and its ornaments of the Confucian students nd that of the successful candidate related to the system of the civil service examination, and focused on the literatures and figures. The Choson Dynasty looked upon the education as important and Confucian scholars and the successful candidate had the superior position in that society. The seems to have been the demarcation between the dress and its ornaments worn by the candidate and the successful candidate. According to the inquiry of the literatures and figures, the candidate is thought to have worn yuguhn(儒巾) or bokkuhn(幅巾) with chongsam(靑衫), nansam( 衫), jikryung(直領) and the successful candidate is thought to have worn bokduh( 頭) with easahwa(御史花), aengsam(鶯衫), danryung(團領) in the Choson Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Child Studies
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.315-330
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• 2001

The purpose of this study is to research for the educational method developing morality of the preschool children. For this purpose, the embodiment method based on Confucianism was conceptualized and compared with the existing methods of instruction. The research was conducted by dividing into 3 groups such as embodiment group, discussion group and usual group with 161 subjects of 4~5 years old preschool children. Six week program was composed from "Yangjungpyon(養正篇)" and was compared to the curriculum of kindergarten and primary school as the educational content. To measure the effectiveness of the Confucian method, the Test of Basic Life Habituation and Autonomy Rating Scale were used. The result showed that the embodiment group which followed the present method was more effective than the other two groups of existing usual methods in both ages.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.15 no.5
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• pp.13-20
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• 2004

This comparative study on the confucian characteristics of the space for men on the upper-class house took two approaches. Firstly, even though Korea and China accepted same Confucianism, they developed their own Confucian cultures and differentiated house types. Therefore, the process of developing various type of house can be observed as to adopting Confucianism. Secondly, identification of each country can be appeared by looking into the house developing process. Preceding studies about traditional houses of Korea and China usually focused on style analysis. However, this study approaches to house arrangement through understanding the base of each culture and people.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.121-134
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• 2016

Objectives : This thesis analyzes how Song Dynasty(宋代) Confucianism(儒學) has influenced the Oriental Medicine during Geumwon Dynasty(金元代). Methods : This paper will compare with the literature of Zhuxi and the Oriental Medicine scholars of Jin(金) Yuan(元), and search for the correlation of the Confucianism(儒學) and the Oriental Medicine(東洋醫學). Results : During the era of Jin(金) Yuan(元), Confucian physicians(儒醫) were met a new phase of Medicine(醫學) by systematizing the clinical medicine and theory based on the Neo-Confucianism. Conclusions : This study recognizes how the era of Jin(金) Yuan(元) Confucian physicians(儒醫) medically perceived and reinterpreted the aspect of Zhuxi's Neo-Confucianism and theory of Changes.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.33-40
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• 2022

Objectives : This paper analyzes medical contents of the Jukgyopyeonlam(Handbook of Jukgyo) which was written in 1849 by Han Seokhyo, a resident of Neungju, Jeolla-do. Methods : The author, bibliography, organization, cited literature, and content of the book were investigated. Results : 1. The author, Han, Seokhyo was not a doctor by trade, but rather a Confucian doctor. 2. The purpose of this book is to prepare non-medical personnel for emergencies. 3. While the book's organization follows those of existing books, the author's originality can be found among medical contents of the Jukgyopyeonlam. Conclusions : It can be understood that the medicinal contents of the Jukgyopyeonlam was written based on knowledge accumulated through numerous years of local clinical and medicinal experience in order for Confucian doctors in the countryside of Jeolla-do in the mid-19th century to be able to prepare for cases of emergency.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.129-158
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• 2008

After Four-Seven debate in late 16C, Korean Neo-Confucian scholars had developed their theories on human nature and morality such as Insimdosimsoel (theories on the moral emotion and desire), Inmulsoengron(theories on human nature and animal nature), Mibalsimcheron(theories on the calm mind as the embodiment of morality). Confucian scholars had been active member of society since acceptance of Neo-Confucianism. They had the plans of social reforms on the basis of moral self cultivation from the elite Confucians to commoners. So the Confucian scholar took part in the foundation of new Confucian kingdom, the Joseon Dynasty(1392). Kwon gun(1352~1409), the famous Neo-Confucian scholar wrote Iphakdosoel(pictogram for beginer of Neo-Confucianism) which emphasized the importance of moral self cultivation and that the mandate of heaven in human nature is identical with Li, the moral principle which the origin of the human intrinsic moral ability as the basis of unity with man and heaven. He thought that ethical life is identical with mandate of heaven, so he insisted all the member of society should follow Li, the moral principle which the origin of human morality and social goodness. Also he emphasized the morality was the intrinsic and most important value of human being. Therefore ethical life became essential part of self cultivation. Joeng Ji-un(1509~1561) wrote the Chunmyongdosoel (pictogram of mandate of Heaven), the start point of Four-Seven debate in mid 16C. Joeng followed Kwon's theoretical line. He emphasized the importance of moral self cultivation and the human intrinsic moral ability. He wrote that the Four moral emotions arise from Li, the moral principle of mind, while Seven emotions arise from Ki, vital force of body. He insisted that human being should control Ki, the vital force to follow the Li, the moral principle of mind. This Korean Confucian scholars developed theories of morality and self cultivation. This theories not only show the philosophical speculation of Korean Confucian scholars but also show the social idealism and moral utopianism which grounded on the human morality. So they had trust in human morality which can guide human being into the right track to the good and peaceful society. These tendencies are main characteristics of Korean Neo-Confucianism which has seen from the begining of acceptance of Neo-Confucianism. Some modern philosophical criticism which insist the Korean Neo-Confucian theories such as Four-Senven theories was indulged in academic discussion are not only neglect the historical realty but also ignore the potential of Korean Neo-Confucian heritage.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.1
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• pp.101-117
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• 1977

This thesis is a study of the Simui(深衣) system which was a dress regulation peculiar to old China with skirt and coat. The origin of Simui is a very long time, that is, before Ju dynasty in China. Its wearing range had a large circle irrespective of rank and good or bad luck. This was a ordinary dress to the Emperor or the lords, a below court attire or a below sacrificial rites attire to the illustrious officials, and good luck dress to the common people. But this was a funeral rites attire or coming-of-age ceremony attire in domestic behaviour. In the times of Song dynasty, lots of confucian scholars had put on this simui because of Juhi's recommendation for domestic behaviour. This Simui had been put on through all the times of China and was the original text of all the dress. Especially the court attire and silkworm working dress of Empress, and the court attire and underwear court attire of Emperor is also made out of this Simui, therefore this is a origin of the ceremonial dress which formed into long coat. In Korea it is said that this Simui was brought in prior to the middle of Goryeo dynasty. But we can't tell the correct transmitted age. According to the following records in Goryeo History, "King had put on the Simui as a sacrificial rite attire in the times of Yejong". It is sure that this Simui was brought in prior to the times of Yejong. In fact, lots of confucian scholars had put on the Simui since the introduction of confucianism in the end of Goryeo dynasty and after that time this was taken by many confucian scholars through Yi dynasty. Korean Simui system was complied with Chinese system through confucian domestic behaviour, This was respected for court dress of confucian scholars, as it were, Chumri, (an ordinary dress of scholars), Nansam (a uniform of upper student), and Hakchangui (a uniform of confucian student). There are many deta about Simui system in the book of Yeki, chapter Okcho and Simui, and other many canfucian books. But we didn't demonstrate the theory about it till now. Especially there are diversifies of opinions about the phrase of "Sok Im Ku Byun" in Yeki. Simui was cut in separate and then was stitched together in one piece. Generally its shape had round sleeve and angled lapel, its length reaches to the anklebone. And it has a line around the lapel, the sleeve band, and the edge of skirt. It is called Simui because the body can be wrapped deeply in broad width and large sleeve. The Simui was made of white fine linen and was cut by the natural size of body. Every part of Simui had a profound meaning; the round sleeve in compliance with regulation can keep a courtesy when a walker moves his hands and the angled lapel like a carpenter's square in compliance with square keeps them front loosing their Justice and a string of the back also keeps them loosing from their righteousness and the flat lower part of Simui makes their heart and mind calm. This Simui was usually attendant on a head cover and belt made cloth, and black shoes. This thesis was made a study of documents and portrait from Yi dynasty, for the actual object was not obtained.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.38
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• pp.126-152
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• 1999

The social welfare system in modern world is generally recognized as the most effective measure against the social problems in capitalist societies. When a social welfare program is introduced to solve a social problem, however, it used to cause another new problem at the same time. In order to overcome this circularity, we need to consider not only quantitative but also the qualitative aspect of social welfare. In line with this problematic, this thesis tries to examine the social welfare thoughts in Confucianism in order to rethink the meaning of social welfare. In contrast to the modern social welfare as a social right, the social welfare in Confucianism was basically regarded as the grace of a king whose purpose was to legitimate his domination. But it was also based upon Confucian humanism and institutionalized into the Confucian govern mentality. It was practiced through the Confucian communality whose basic concept lies in the traditional family system. The social welfare in this society was to be fulfilled automatically by promoting the production and by consolidating the solidarity of the community. The social intervention, therefore, was principal1y indirect and preventive rather than direct and postfactum. The social welfare supports in Confucian societies included not only the material but also the psychological. In these senses, it sounds like that the Confucian welfare system reached the very high standard. Although the real practice should be cautiously differentiated from its ideal state, we may find interesting implications from the social welfare thoughts in Confucianism.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.129-162
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• 2013

Noju Oh Hui-sang was a Confucian who was active during the reign of King Sunjo in late Joseon Dynasty and he also was a master of the Sallim faction. Though he is known as an eclectic Neo-Confucian, he had profound knowledge in the study of Confucian classics as well through succeeding the family study handed down by his father Oh Jae-sun and his oldest brother Oh Yun-sang. This thesis hereby examines Noju's Confucianism doctrine and its characteristics. Noju's Confucianism doctrine is characterized significantly with the following aspects. First, its analyses are detailed overall and it annotates chapters and verses mostly related to Neo-Confucian theories on interpretation of the Confucian classics. Second, it conducts in-depth study not only on Chu Hsi's annotation but also on the small commentaries (小注) in Compendium of the Commentaries on Four Chinese Classics (四書集註大全). In terms of Chu Hsi's theory, however, Noju interprets Confucian classics while supplementing shortcomings on Chu Hsi's theory rather than opposing it. For opinions of all philosophers and scholars on small commentaries, it expresses rather critical theories than supporting ones. Third, it quotes many theories not only of Chinese Confucians but also of Korean ones. It mainly introduces theories of Namdang Han Won-jin, including those of Yi Yulgok. Among them, it particularly has frequent quotations from Han Won-jin's Kyoungyigimunrok (經義記聞錄). Fourth, Noju actively acknowledges senior Confucians' theories many times in quoting them but he also daringly points out their errors when a theory is thought not to be appropriate. He indicates errors one by one in theories not only of Uam and Yulgok but even of Mencius. Fifth, it especially discusses Book of Changes (周易) in depth. It tends to criticize Chengzi's I-Chuan (易傳) but accept Chu Hsi's Benyi (本義). It roughly explains Book of Changes in general but seldom directly accounts for trigrams of it other than Qian trigram and it has detailed explanation especially on Xicizhuan (繫辭傳).

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.53
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• pp.63-100
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• 2017

In this article, I researched Nam Dae-nyeon's(1887~1958) thought of Neo-confucian theories, interpretation of confucian canons, and evaluation of historical figures. First, from the side of Neo-confucian theories, he asserted that Qi(氣) had behaviors and Li(理) had not. About his teacher Jeon Wu's(田愚) theories, he thought that those were in tradition of Confucius(孔子) and Mencius(孟子), but not emphasized presidence of mind. And he criticized the theory of mind was Li(理). Second, from the side of interpretation of Confucian canons, Nam Dae-nyeon's study centered on Four Books(四書). This showed he was in tradition of Neo-confucianism. Through this studies he emphasized the importance of Confucian Ren(仁) and Filial piety(孝), self-consciousness as gentry(士). Third, from the side of evaluation of historical figures, Nam Dae-nyeon evaluated many Chinese and Korean scholars, for example, Qu Yuan(屈原), Lu Zhong-lian(魯仲連), Zhen De-xiu(眞德秀), Lu Long-qi((陸?其), Zhang Lu-xiang (張履祥) of China, and Jeong Mong-ju(鄭夢周), Zho Kwang-jo(趙光祖), Yi Hwang(李滉), Yi Yi(李珥), Jeon Wu(田愚) of Korea. And his criteria for evaluation of historical figures was fidelity and insight.