• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.33-61
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• 2009

In the late Koryo period, until 14th century, there had been at least two groups of Manchurians who were conferred citizenships; one group was living as an original inhabitant in the coastal area of north­eastern part of Korean peninsular, long time ago, and they were over one thousand households. The other was coming down from inland, eastern part of Yoha River, to the area of Tuman River to settle down and they were at least around one hundred and sixty households, including such tribes as Al-tha-ry, Ol-lyang-hap, Ol-jok-hap and others. They were treated courteously, from the early days of Choson dynasty, with governmental policies in an economic, political, and social ways. They were given, for instance, a house, a land, household furniture, and clothes. They were allowed to get marry with a native Korean to settle down. They were educated how to cultivate their lands. It was also possible for them to be given an official position politically or allowed to take a National Civil Official Examination. The fact they could take such an Examination, in particular, means they were treated fairly and equally, because they also had a privilege to improve their social positions through the formal system as much as common people. Two typical families were scrutinized, in this paper, family Chong-hae Lee and family Chon-ju Ju. All of them were successful to settle down with different backgrounds each other. The former were from a headman, Lee Jee-ran, who controlled his tribe, over five hundred households. He was given three titles of a meritorious retainer at the founding of Chosun dynasty, at the retrieval of armies, and an enshrined retainer. His son, Lee Wha-yong, was also given a vassal of merit who kept a close tie successfully with the king's family through a marriage. Upon the foundation of their ancestors, their grandsons, family Lee Hyo-yang and family Lee Hyo-gang, each, had taken solid root as an aristocratic Yang-ban class. The former became a high officer family, generation by generation, while the latter changed into a civil official family through Civil Official Examinations. They lived mainly around Seoul, Kyong-gi Province and some lived in their original places, Ham-kyong Province. Chu-man, the first ancestor, was given a meritorious retainer at the founding of the dynasty and Chu-in was also given a high officer position from the government. They kept living at the original place, Ham-heung, Ham-kyong Province, and then became an outstanding local family there. They began to pass the Civil Official Examinations. After 17th century on the passers were 17 in Civil Official Examinations and 40 were passed in lower civil examinations. The positions in government they attained usually were remonstrance which position was prohibited particularly to North­Western people at that time. The Chosun dynasty was open to Machurians widely through the system of envoy, convoy, and naturalization. It was intended to build up an enclosure policy through a friendly diplomatic relation with them against any possible invasion from outside. This is one reason why they were supported fully that much in a various way.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.39 no.6
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• pp.372-379
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• 2006

This study was carried out to improve chemical properties of salt-accumulated plastic film house soil. Compressed expansion rice hull was applied at 0, 2.5, 5.0, $7.5Mg\;ha^{-1}$, and drip irrigation was initiated at -33 kilopascals (kPa) of soil water potential and ceased adjusted up to -10 kPa. Another treatment was the application of inflated rice hull at $5.0Mg\;ha^{-1}$ with drip irrigation starting at soil water potential -20 kPa and adjusted to -10 kPa. Lettuce(Lactuca sativa L.) was cultivated at sandy loam soil with $5.1dS\;m^{-1}$ of electrical conductivity (EC). $EC_w$(1:5) of plots treated with $5.0Mg\;ha^{-1}$ of inflated rice hull and irrigated at the point of -20 kPa and -33 kPa of soil water potential was reduced by 26% and 24% less than untreated control plot, respectively. Soil $EC_w$(1:5) has close relationship with $Cl^-$ as well as $NO_3{^-}-N$ and $SO{_4}^{2-}$ in the soil. Total nitrogen in leaf of lettuce was deficient in the earlier growth stage. The yield of lettuce increased by 6% by the application of inflated rice hull of $5.0Mg\;ha^{-1}$ with drip irrigation starting at -33 kPa of soil water potential. It decreased 4% when the drip irrigation was stated at -20 kPa of soil water potential. The amount of water used for irrigation was reduced with the increasing application of inflated rice hull. The watering initiated at the point of -33 kPa was more economical compared with starting at -20 kPa.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.110 no.4
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• pp.504-515
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• 2021

To examine the relationship between environmental factors influencing the habitat of Aconitum austrokoreense Koidz., this study employed the MexEnt model to evaluate 21 environmental factors. Fourteen environmental factors having an AUC of at least 0.6 were found to be the age of stand, growing stock, altitude, topography, topographic wetness index, solar radiation, soil texture, mean temperature in January, mean temperature in April, mean annual temperature, mean rainfall in January, mean rainfall in August, and mean annual rainfall. Based on the response curves of the 14 descriptive factors, Aconitum austrokoreense Koidz. on the Baekun Mountain were deemed more suitable for sites at an altitude of 600 m or lower, and habitats were not significantly affected by the inclination angle. The preferred conditions were high stand density, sites close to valleys, and distribution in the northwestern direction. Under the five-age class system, the species were more likely to be observed for lower classes. The preferred solar radiation in this study was 1.2 MJ/m². The species were less likely to be observed when the topographic wetness index fell below the reference value of 4.5, and were more likely observed above 7.5 (reference of threshold). Soil analysis showed that Aconitum austrokoreense Koidz. was more likely to thrive in sandy loam than clay. Suitable conditions were a mean January temperature of - 4.4℃ to -2.5℃, mean April temperature of 8.8℃-10.0℃, and mean annual temperature of 9.6℃-11.0℃. Aconitum austrokoreense Koidz. was first observed in sites with a mean annual rainfall of 1,670- 1,720 mm, and a mean August rainfall of at least 350 mm. Therefore, sites with increasing rainfall of up to 390 mm were preferred. The area of potential habitats having distributive significance of 75% or higher was 202 ha, or 1.8% of the area covered in this study.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.3
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• pp.18-43
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• 2011

The results of study on planting and cultivate of Hong Man-Seon(1643~1715)'s 'Salimkyungjae(The Economy of Forest)' the first summative textbook of agricultural skill of South Korea, are as follows. First, 'Salimkyungjae' suggests that one can enrich oneself, eat fruits in fall, enjoy the shade of trees in summer, and enjoy flowers in spring if one plants tree with 10 year plan with knowledge of ecology. Second, the number of plants had increased continuously from the early Chosun Dynasty to the mid Chosun Dynasty. The 52 plants in the book are classified into 31 trees, 8 shrubs, 3 others, and 10 herbs, and 28 of them are fruit trees. Hence, we can see that the book is for the promotion of welfare. Third, planting(transplantation) is the best on January of the lunar calendar, and the second on February, and fertile soil should be added much. Trees must be planted as deep as once it was planted, and buttressed. It will sprout well if it is planted at the depth of one inch, and planting a cutting should be carried out at the early March with 5 inch and finger-thick branches. Grafting is the best when it begins to sprout. Fruit trees will bear many fruits if they are grafted at the direction of South, and fruits will be greater if the trees' branches are cutting off on January. Especially, January was selected for the best season of planting traditionally. Fourth, flower trees are planted or sowed with manure around January and February of the lunar calendar, and it is recommended to replant them into flowerpots with manure when having flower buds around March and April of the lunar calendar. It would bloom earlier when using water mixed with stable manure, and sulfur smoke can be used in order to change the flower color from red to white. Flowerpots would be placed at half shaded lot with being supported by bricks. Pomegranate, gardenia, camellia and four-season flower should be planted after flowers fallen. When flower trees are beside walls, they need to be rotated frequently since their branches all point toward house. Seeds need to be preserved in a sunny hut, where its entrance and ventilating openings would be at south because it is convenient to manage pots. Fifth, insects hidden at fruit trees would be destroyed by torch smoke when roosters cry on New year's day of the lunar calendar. Insects would be decoyed into straw hanged at dawn of Cheongmyeongday(淸明日). Insects on fruit trees would be controlled using sulfur powder to close up holes or sulfur smoke to fumigate. Particularly, it suggests that utilization of fertile soil would be the best solution for growing health plants and preventing pest.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.56-69
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• 2011

A Gamsil is an ritual instrument which enshrine the ancestral tablets of four lines from late great-great-grandfather and grandmother to late father and mother. This has their soul. Juja's "Garye" informs its structure pattern. It is placed in Sadang and takes the form of a perfectly square box. It partitions four rooms and enshrine an ancestral tablet room by room. They get the ancestral tablets line up from west to east. And they also enshrine the ancestral tablets without his descendant together in Gamsil. A Gamsil is a space to enshrine the ancestral tablets and to place an order within a family. A social status and A family economic power become a standard in making and managing Sadang. Kingdom in Joseon period limited the ancestral tablets considering of his degree of official rank which descendant enshrined. A official servant can be stable economically in getting a stipend and build sadang in the house. While household a little in economic enshrine the ancestral tablets at a Gamsil placed at the a space of private home. His personal circumstances make size and pattern, place change in relation to Gamsil. A Gamsil looks like house in structure and pattern. It has the immortality of the soul. And it changed from a table size to a ancestral tablet size. This Gamsil is comfortable to move and is made considering of the width and height of household. The transition of Gamsil means institutions is in close to a family economic power in social change. Kingdom in Joseon early period makes a policy of a Gamyo's build and an ancestral enshrine in basement of Juja's "Garye". The transition of Gamsil gave a common people limitted socially and institutionally the service of late four lines. Most of people enshrine the ancestral tablets of their four lines in approaching of in the late of Joseon Dinasty. They compromise on their reality and cause. The transition of Gamsil implied many different things in social ; the authenticity search and a dignity expression of his family, the foundation for the diffusion of an ancestral service, a space sharing with ancestor and descendent, the increment of a family economic power etc.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.169-206
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• 2019

This article seeks to explore new relationships and ethics of human and technology by analyzing a cultural imaginary produced by artificial intelligence. Drawing on theoretical reflections of the Feminist Scientific and Technological Studies which understand science and technology as the matter of care(Puig de la Bellacas, 2011), this paper focuses on the fact that artificial intelligence and robots materialize cultural imaginary such as autonomy. This autonomy, defined as the capacity to adapt to a new environment through self-learning, is accepted as a way to conceptualize an authentic human or an ideal subject. However, this article argues that artificial intelligence is mediated by and dependent on invisible human labor and complex material devices, suggesting that such autonomy is close to fiction. The recent growth of the so-called 'assistant technology' shows that it is differentially visualizing the care work of both machines and humans. Technology and its cultural imaginary hide the care work of human workers and actively visualize the one of the machine. And they make autonomy and agency ideal humanness, leaving disabled bodies and dependency as unworthy. Artificial intelligence and its cultural imaginary negate the value of disabled bodies while idealizing abled-bodies, and result in eliminating the real relationship between man and technology as mutually dependent beings. In conclusion, the author argues that the technology we need is not the one to exclude the non-typical bodies and care work of others, but the one to include them as they are. This technology responsibly empathizes marginalized beings and encourages solidarity between fragile beings. Inspired by an art performance of artist Sue Austin, the author finally comes up with and suggests 'artificial intelligence in wheelchair' as an alternative figuration for the currently dominant 'autonomous artificial intelligence'.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.36
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• pp.5-38
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• 2003

The history of Baekje Kingdom, one of the Three kingdoms, is divided into three periods to the change of sociopolitical center, including its capital as follows: Hanseong Period (18 BC ~ AD 475), Ungjin Period (AD 475~538), and Sabi Period (AD 538~660). Though the Hanseong Period of Baekje Kingdom covers more than two thirds of the whole history of Baekje Kingdom (493 years), history and archaeological culture of the Hanseong Period is still unclear and even ambiguous comparing to the Ungjin and Sabi periods. Most of all, it is because of quite limited historical records and archaeological data available. In addition, negative attitude of the Korean academic circles to the early records of Samguksaki(三國史記) has been a critical obstacle to the study of early history of the Three kingdoms, including the Hanseong Period of Baekje kingdom. Author, who has attempted to combine historical records and archaeological data in order to reconstruct the history and archaeological culture of the early Baekje, specifically the Hanseong Period, has held positive attitude to the early records of the Samguksaki as far as possible. He(Author) came to realize that comprehensive understanding of Mahan (馬韓) society, one of the Three Han (三韓) Society was more than essential in the study of Baekje. According to historical records and archaeological data, Mahan Society represented by Mojiguk(目支國) ruled by King Jin(辰王) has been located in the middle and/or southwestern parts of the Korean peninsula from the 3rd~2nd century BC through the end of the 5th century or early 6th century AD. Mahan already occupied central portion of the Korean Peninsula, including the Han River Valley when King Onjo(溫祖王) first set up the capital of Baekje Kingdom at Wiryeseong (慰 禮城) considered to be modern Jungrang~Songpa-gu area of Han River Valley. From the beginning of the Baekje history, there had been quite close interrelationships between Baekje and Mahan, and the interrelationships had lasted for around 500 years. In other words, it is impossible to attempt to understand and study Hanseong period of Baekje, without considering the historical and archaeological identity of Mahan. According to the Samguksaki, Baekje moved its capital three times during the Hanseong Period (18 BC ~ AD 475) within the Han River Valley as follows: Wiryeseong at Jungrang-gu area of the Han River (河北慰禮城, 18 ~ 5 BC), Wiryeseong at Songpa-gu area of the Han River(河南慰禮城, 5 BC ~ AD 371), Hansan at Iseongsan fortress site(Historical site No. 422, 漢山, AD 371~391), and Hanseong at Chungung-dong of Hanam city(漢城, AD 391~475). Before 1990s, archaeological data of the Hanseong Period was quite limited, and archaeological culture of Mahan was not well defined. Only a few burial and fortress sites were reported to be archaeological remains of the early Baekje, and a few settlement and jar burial sites were assumed to be those of Mahan without clear definition of the Mahan Culture. Since 1990s, fortunately, a number of new archaeological sites of Hanseong Baekje and Mahan have been reported and investigated. Thanks to the new discoveries, there has been significant progress in the study of early Baekje and Mahan. In particular, a number of excavations of Pungnap-dong Fortress site(Historical site NO. 11, 1996~2003), considered to be the Wiryeseong at south of the Han River, the second capital of the Hanseong Baekje, provided critical archaeological evidence in the study of Hanseong Period of Baekje. Since the end of the 1990s, a number of sites have been reported in Gyeonggi, Chungcheong, and Jeolla provinces, as well. From these sites, archaeological features and artifacts representing distinctive cultural tradition of Mahan have been identified such as unstamped fortresses, pit houses cut into the rock, houses with lifted floor(掘立柱 건물), and potteries decorated with toothed wheel and bird's footprint designs. These cultural traditions reflected in the archaeological remains played a critical role to define and understand archaeological identity of the Mahan society. Moreover, archaeological data from these new sites reported in the middle and southwestern parts of the Korean Peninsular made it possible to postulate a hypothesis that the history of Mahan could be divided into three periods to the change of its sociopolitical center in relation with the Baekje Kingdom's political Situation as follows: Cheonan (天安) Period, Iksan(益山) Period, and Naju(羅州) Period. The change of Mahan's sociopolitical center is closely related to the sociopolitical expansion of the Hanseong Baekje.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.4-21
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• 2021

A stone mold from the Sabi period of Baekje was excavated at the western tombs in Neungsan-ri, Buyeo where there was a recent excavation survey (2016). It was believed and reported that such stone molds were used for copper needles during the early Iron Age; however, a close re-examination of the form revealed that they were used for bifid ornamental hairpins. Given its casting form, the stone mold of Neungsan-ri is estimated to have been used to make bifid ornamental hairpins in a ∩ shape, narrowing down toward the tip. It is considered an artifact of the Goryeo dynasty. The stone used to make the bifid ornamental hairpin mold of Neungsan-ri was chlorite-schist, the principal minerals of which include chlorite, amphibole, and talc. Similar rocks are in nearby Buyeo (Oesan-myeon), Cheongyang, Gongju, and Yesan. They are mainly found between Jiseon-ri, Oesan-myeon, Buyeo, Sucheol-ri, Yesane-up, and Yesan. Nearly 70 bifid ornamental hairpins from the Goryeo dynasty were excavated at Neungsan-ri, Buyeo and the surrounding areas. Among them, the bronze ones excavated from the tombs of Songguk-ri, Buyeo are estimated to have been made using this mold as they closely resemble the Neungsan-ri mold. Stone was likely the preferred material for molds to make bronze artifacts as it was easy to sink a die. Regarding the bifid ornamental hairpin cast excavated in Neungsan-ri, they obtained stones in nearby areas 20~50km from their location, made bronze artifacts, and distributed them to nearby sites during the Goryeo dynasty. These artifacts suggest that the casting technology of using a stone mold was still employed then.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.139-148
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• 2011

This study has a purpose of base study for ascertaining landscape architect's role of Reung Chambong through analyzing old literature include Kyungkukdae-Jeon, Sokdae-Jeon, Daejeonhoitong, Joseonwangjo-Sillok, Eugye, Reung-Ji, Ilsung-Rok, Reung Chambong's diary. Reung Chambong was a government post in the Joseon dynasty, who managed Royal Tombs of Joseon Dynasty that has promoted as a World Heritage of UNESCO. the conclusions drawn from this study are as follows. First, Reung Chambong was comprised of two Jong 9 pum Chanmbong members. a position of Reung Chambong was a Eumjik appointed Saengwon, Jinsa, Yuhak completed Sammang. the standards of appointment is a experienced person and too young. it became means for accessing a government post because it had a symbolic representation of Royal Tombs guardian. Second, The management system of Reung Chambong was approved on the basis of ranking. however, due to geographical reasons, they had much authority and various mission than is possible. for example, construction supervisor of the Reung and Bongsim, manager of the Reungsuhogun and filling out Reungji. they performed an important role in management of Royal Tombs in the Joseon dynasty. Third, One of tasks related in landscape architecture, a Bongshim reported Sukmul(stonework), Sacho, Jungja-Gak of Reungsang to Yejo periodically. formational system and method of Bongshim are provided in the Kyungkukdae-Jeon and Sokdae-Jeon detailedly. Fourth, Tree management and construction supervisor of Reungsang, positions among tasks related in landscape architecture, required basic understanding and management ability of botany, various eye for spatial perception includes civil and architectural projects. also, as a site management of Royal Tombs in the Joseon dynasty, Reung Chambong was empowered tacit authorization and responsibility in mobility preoccupancy of vertical relationship with local officials and handling by-product of site. there is a close correspondence with landscape architect of today. A follow-up research is required to ascertain landscape architect historical values of Royal Tombs in the Joseon dynasty and Reung Chambong's role as a site management of Royal Tombs in the Joseon dynasty through historical seeking and research old literature on Reung Chambong's role related in landscape architect.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.61-77
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• 2011

This study focused on relevant rock names related to Sinsun(神仙) which had been settled as Taoist traces were combined with places. While interpreting major features of Sundoism relevant rocks, it also discussed types and places of rocks reflected in their names by considering distinct characteristics of landscape characters that ancestors viewed through the rocks or on the rocks. Conclusion of this study is summarized as follows. 1. Among the rock names related to Sinsun, the most frequently discovered one was Sinsunbawi(52) and followed by Sinsunbong(神仙峰: 38), Sinsundae(神仙臺: 31). Other than these, there were Gangsundae(降仙臺: 12), Sunyoodae (仙遊臺: 10) and Sasundae(四仙臺: 5). 2. In the name of Sinsundae, 'Dae(臺)' ascertains that it was located in greatly superb place in the aspects of viewpoint and appreciation where landscape superiority and overlook scenery were fair and outstanding. 3. Sinsunbong was named for a peak of mountain. At the same time, it implied a notion of worship with images of 'merging with sky' or 'looking up.' Most of time, Sinsunbong indicated the tallest rock in the mountain chain. 4. A significant number of Sinsunbong had names where legends of Sinsun's Go game or descent were originated from. It shows that 'Sinsun(仙) and Go game' used to be very important motives for folk etymology of Sinsun related rocks. Along with the Sinsundae, a number of Sinsunbawi were also turned out to exist in land and ocean with excellent marine view. 5. According to analysis of their altitudes and heights of the peaks where the rocks belong to, Sinsunbong, Sinsundae and Sinsunbawi were in order. It might indicate that the rocks were located on top of mountain or that Sinsunbong represented the mountain itself. Compared to this, Sinsundae was located in where distant panoramic views were overlooked. It was not necessarily to be in peak but in where with a great view like Taoist world. On the other hand, Sinsunbawi was located in where has fine scenery and great valley not so far from villages, which proved its name had been influenced by place feature not altitude. 6. Feature of rock with Sinsun related name is to comprise visual stability of worship object with close linkage to attitude of worshiper. Considering its deep connection with communicative method of worship object and worshiper, seemingly it was main factor to lead folk etymology of rocks with Sinsun related names. 7. Rock is an object with the greatest implication of Sinsun imagination and Sinsun rocks show most clearly the fact that Taoism, which used to be considered as inaccessible, had been actualized in a visual and realistic manner with the change of time.