• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.415-440
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• 2018

On September 23, 2015, the Ministry of Education announced the 2015 revision of educational curriculum which aimed at 'cultivating creative talents' based on the Article 23, Section 2 of the Elementary and Secondary Education Law. As a result, music curriculum have also been partially revised, which seems to maintain the 2009 revision of music curriculum. Although Jeongganbo 井間譜 is already exposed in the music curriculum for the third and forth grades of elementary school, the learning content about how to read Jeongganbo and how to express the pitch and length of sound including the origin of its name and the background of its invention are dealt with specifically in the fifth and sixth grades. Jeongganbo is known as the oldest mensural notation in the Orient created by King Sejong of the Joseon Dynasty in the middle of the $15^{th}$ century, and it was used for the first time in Sejong sillok akbo 世宗實錄樂譜 (Scores in the Annals of King Sejong), the oldest musical score still in existence. However, in the music textbooks as well as the most of specialized books related to the Korean traditional music, it is uncritically accepted without providing clear grounds that Sejong invented Jeongganbo himself. If so, it is necessary to investigate on which grounds it is claimed that Sejong invented Jeongganbo. This paper first examined the grounds of the proposition that "Sejong invented Jeongganbo," which is introduced in the music textbooks for the fifth and sixth grades of elementary school, by separating it into Sejong's creation of Sinak 新樂 (new music), Sejo's invention of Jeongganbo and Sejong's invention of Hangeul. Next, this paper examined how the subject of the invention of Jeongganbo has been described in the textbooks for the fifth and sixth grades in elementary school based on the 2009 revision of music curriculum, and suggested the direction of a desirable music education by pointing out the related problems. According to historical records and circumstances such as Sejong's creation of Sinak, Sejo's invention of Jeongganbo with 16 Jeonggan (square) in one vertical line, Sejong's invention of Hangeul and so on, it seems to be the most reasonable that Sejong is the subject of the invention of Jeongganbo as of now. However, the attitude of the musical academy to accept and educate the unclear thing as if it is a fact does not seem desirable. Therefore, I suggest that it should be described "Jeongganbo was invented in the period of Sejong" or "it is supposed that Jeongganbo was invented by Sejong" rather than presenting "Sejong made Jeongganbo" or "created" until revealing the clear evidence about the subject of Jeongganbo.

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.31
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• pp.141-172
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• 2017

The objectives of this paper are to investigate hunting, stock raising, sacrifice recorded in the oracle bone inscriptions of Shang Dynasty. I want to raise two basic questions. First, what were the functions of hunting, stock raising, sacrifice, which constructed the world of life in Shang Dynasty? Second, what were the relationships of gods, men, animals derived from them? These questions are brought up to how the commoners of Shang Dynasty build the world and perceive it. I adopted positively prevalent theories for answering those questions. I am particularly provided with Michael J. Puett's insightful remarks in this presentation. He criticizes the previous viewpoint that the relationships of gods and men in ancient China were harmonious and mutually respondent. According to him, in the ancient way of thinking of China the world of gods was full of whimsical and unpredictable power and also contained the risks, which led to disaster to the human world. So it is needed to be controled in a certain way. The sacrifice and the divination must have been instruments for controlling it in ancient China. In the same vein his arguments can be applied to the special connotations of hunting and stock raising, by the benefit of which I developed my own ideas in this paper. The conclusions are as follows. First, Shang dynasty tried to suppress the latent danger of two worlds. The nature represented by animals and the world of gods were respectively considered as the unknown domains, which is to threatening human life. Hunting, stock raising, sacrifice were the ways and means of controlling these two domains of power, which cause chaos in life. Second, the relationships among gods, men, animals had various functions and changed their status role, depending on the circumstances. Hunting and stock raising were important methods to domesticate animals with violence. In this domestication process animals became "victims" but animals are also to be the messengers to gods through being slain in the sacrifice. In this way animals are both inferior and superior to men and hold a unique status between gods and men.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.21
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• pp.169-246
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• 2009

The national records management system of the Korean Government has been developed in a close relationship with changes in the administrative system. The national records management system established immediately after the establishment of the Korean Government, began to be reformed as a system with a new feature during the quick transition of the administrative system during the early 1960s. Particularly this new system holds an important meaning in that it began to cope with the mass production system of records and was established on the government level for the first time since the establishment of the government. Also this was a basic framework that defined the records management pattern of the Korean Government for the later 40 years. Therefore, this study aims to identify the origin and the meaning of the national records management system established during the early 1960s. At the time of establishing the government, the administrative system of the Korean Government was not completely free from the framework of the administrative system of the Chosen General Government. This was mainly because the Korean Government had no capability to renovate the administrative system. This was not an exception also for the national records management system. In other words, the forms and preparation methods of official document, an official document management process, and the classification and appraisal system used the records management system of the Chosen General Government without any alteration. Main factors that brought about the reform of the national records management system as well as the change in the Korean administrative system during the early 1960s, were being created in Korean society, starting from the mid 1950s. This resulted from the growth of Korean Army, public officers, and students of administrative science as being the intrinsic elites of Korean society through their respective experience of the US administration. In particular, the reform of the creation, classification, filing, transfer, and preservation system shown during the introduction of a scientific management system of the US Army in the Korean Army was a meaningful change given the historic developing process of Korean records management system history. This change had a decisive effect on the reform of the national records management system during the early 1960s. As the Korean Army, public officers, and students of administrative science, who had posted growth beginning in the mid-1950s, emerged as administrative elites during the early 1960s, the administrative system of the Korean Government brought about a change, which was different from the past in terms of its quality, and the modernization work of documentary administration pursued during the period, became extended to the reform of the national records management system. Then, the direction of reform was 'the efficient and effective control' over records based on scientific management, which was advanced through the medium of the work that accommodate the US office management system and a decimal filing system to Korean administrative circumstances. Consequently, Various official document forms, standards, and the gist of process were improved and standardized, and the appraisal system based on the function-based classification were unified on the government level by introducing a decimal filing system.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.166-177
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• 2016

This essay explores the problems with applying the concept of "original form" to natural heritage when it is based on originality and diachronic, historical period. It also suggests an alternative perception that the concept of "original form" can be considered based upon "integrity". First, the conceptual framework for applying the concept of "original form" falls into three types: one that centers on the time point at which heritage originated; another that respects the diachronic characteristics of the concept of "original form"; and the last that bases original form on a particular time after the heritage originated. Second, the national policy for the conservation of natural monuments and scenic sites stayed at the level of consulting the Decree on the Preservation of Treasures, Historical Remains, Scenic Sites, and Natural Monuments of Joseon, under Japanese colonial rule. And after the legal framework was established through enacting and proclaiming of the Cultural Heritage Protection Act in 1962, 564 cases have been designated as natural monuments. Third, the natural conservation movement, the first national policy for natural heritage, was initiated from the heritage field, but the Environment Ministry subsumed all nature-related policies and ever since the heritage agency (Cultural Heritage Administration) has implemented only heritage policies regarding "cultural" heritage. The present state of the coexisting policies about the natural heritage by the Environment Ministry and the Cultural Heritage Administration resulted in leading the public confused about official terms and main policy agency of natural heritage. Fourth, the difficulty of applying the concept of "original form" to natural heritage stems from the fact that natural heritage is inherently distinct from cultural heritage, which is placed at the center of the heritage policies implemented by the heritage agency. In addition, natural heritage, similarly distinct from the overall natural environment, has evolved in a way that incorporates human culture and thus diversely includes characteristics of originality, diachrony, and historical period. Under these circumstances, an incorporative, professional approach is required rather than independent approaches for each type of natural heritage. In conclusion, this essay suggests that issues related to the restoration of original conditions of natural heritage should be resolved through the application of the "integrity" concept by restoring "the characteristics of an object or a place that imbue it with meaning and value," with consideration given to efforts for alleviating logical contradictions within the concept of "original form" through the preparation of standards and guidelines for the restoration of original condition.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.3
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• pp.186-203
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• 2015

This article attempts to examine both the outcome and future task of the art history research on Central Eurasia, better known under the name of "Silk Road". The term Central Eurasia encompasses Xinjiang Uygur, Tibet, Mongolia, former Soviet Republics, the northwest region of India, Iran and Turkey. The article analyzes the 30-year history of the region's art history research and further presents a desirable direction that the study should move towards. Though short in its research period, the ROK's art history study on Central Eurasia has shown eye-catching achievement in several areas such as the northwest region of India and the Xinjiang Uygur, Dunhwang of China. Two factors allowed for this accomplishment. First was the actual improvement of the work environment, where the scholars were finally able to travel to Central Eurasia and explore the historic sites for themselves since 1990. More important was the 'arena of study' for the next-generation scholars made possible by institutions like The Korean Association for Central Asian Studies and the Center for Central Eurasian Studies. Slowly but consistently, the two academic societies induced scholars' attention towards the field and fostered new experts. Circumstances changed, marking 2012 as the starting point. International academic forums held by the government branches surged in number. The intention behind it was to link the ROK with the Silk Road and ultimately to obtain the "Eurasia initiative". As of now, the public has shown heightened interest in the issue. The academia is subsequently riding on this second "wave of interest" following the first wave in the 1980s. However, increased popularity comes with some negative consequences, and this art history research on Central Eurasia is no exception. There are criticisms regarding the objectivity of recent academic forums. Some argue that the aim of the forums are sternly set most of the times, prohibiting the presenters to voice their own perspectives. Still, this heated attention will definitely play its role as a stepping stone for further development. The academia should commit to fostering rising researchers who will systemically and professionally study the field. This is imperative in order for the Korean culture to successfully communicate with the world and take itself to a new level. Without completing this task, the ROK's art history research on Central Eurasia is likely to remain idle.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.254-267
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• 2019

Clamp resist dyeing is a resist dyeing technique in which a fabric is sandwiched between two or more pieces of woodcarving and then a pattern is expressed by dyeing. Records from nine years of King Heungdeok's reign during the Unified Silla dynasty show that the use of the clamp resist dyeing technique was banned for different garments. This was only for garments of YOOKDUPUMNYEO (六頭品女) or OHDUPUMNYEO (五頭品女). Given this, it can be assumed that clamp resisted fabrics were widely used, and the technique had been established during the Unified Silla dynasty or before. However, only the term can be found in the records. Neither its definition nor how this technique was used is explained. Also, it is difficult to assume the types and features of clamp resist dyeing due to a lack of materials. A small number of relics from the Goryeo dynasty still remain, though. Craft techniques have developed through international exchanges and have changed according to respective nations' circumstances including politics, economics, society, and culture. Hence, this research analyzed documents and relics from China and Japan, two countries neighboring the Republic of Korea, and studied the different types and features of clamp resist dyeing techniques. Clamp resist dyeing techniques were divided into monochromatic or multichromatic according to the number of colors that represented patterns, rather than according to the respective nations' features. They were also classified into mono, bilateral symmetry, or vertical-bilateral symmetry according to the structure of the patterns. Through the study of examples of inherited or reproduced dyeing techniques in China and Japan, it was confirmed that different engraving techniques, including relief, openwork, intaglio fit for the feature of a pattern and the number of colors, were applied in order to vividly represent patterns on fabric. Using small flower pattern clamp resist dyed fine tabby in Amitabha of 1302, the only relic showing its patterns and colors in Korea, as the experiment subject, this research successfully reproduced a clamp resist dyeing technique through a successful experiment based on the basic materials from the dyeing technique case study. Due to the significance of the experiment on a clamp resist dyeing technique that stopped its transmission and shows the features of the technique, this study is expected to be a basic resource that can be used for future reproductions of multichromatic clamp resist dyeing techniques. Also, it is expected to be helpful in widening and recreating the world of Korean pattern dyeing with modern dyeing techniques.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.75-102
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• 2018

Manjungpan Chunhyangga is established by Manjung Kim Sohee. She selectively chose and arranged the songs by Jung Jungryeol, Song Mangap, Jung Eungmin, Kim Yeonsoo, Park Dongsil, and Jung Kwangsil. Kim Sohee once stated that while a major section of Chunhyangga is based on the songs by Jung Jungryeol, Song Mangap, Jung Eungmin, and Kim Yeonsoo, the whole part of Okjungga is derived from Park Dongsil. However, there is not much material that will provide enough information with regard to what musical characteristics Park Dongsilje Chunhyangga possessed. Under the circumstances, the voice of Park Dongsilje, left by Kim Sohee, triggers curiosity on Park Dongsilje Chunhyangga. It can also be construed that there must be a good reason for choosing Park Dongsilje for Okjungga, unlike other parts. Therefore, this paper attempted to find out what the unique features of Par Dongsilje are and what the reasons behind Kim Sohee's musical choice were through comparison and analysis of Kim Sohee's musical features in Okjungga. The following are the results. Firstly, Okjungga is a created verse by its nature and it does not possess specific features to a school. Therefore, the reason for choosing Park Dongsilje could have been based on musical reason rather than verse. Secondly, the lyrics of Park Dongsilje Okjungga is closer to that of Song Mangap rather than that of Jung Jungryeolje. It can be argued that it falls between the two of them. Thirdly, the tone and melody of Park Dongsilje Okjungga falls in the middle section of Dongpyenje and Supyenje. Fourthly, the analysis of Jinyangjo rhythm out of the whole Manjungpan Chunhyangga shows that there are slight differences among Song Mangapje, Jung Jungryeolje, and Jung Eungminje. Park Dongsilje is very unique in the sense that it does not use utbutim in gyemyeonjo part in Manjungpan Chunhyangga. Park Dongsilje Okjungga is a song to which the tone, melody, and sigimsae of Supyeonje is added to lyric butimsae of Dongpyeonje. It can be seemed as simple and less sophisticated because, with its simple lyric butimsae, it shows a less complicated tone utilization rather than Jung Jungryeol. With lighter decoration of music, feelings can be conveyed more directly. That is probably why Kim Sohee commented on Park Dongsilje Chunhyangga that it is the most mournful song for Chunhyang and it is the song that moves anyone who listens to the song. Consequently, Kim Sohee accepted Park Dongsilje Okjungga and she created different feelings to Manjungpan Chunhyangga which has repeatedly displayed the color of Jung Jungryeol. Combining the lyric addition of Dongpyeon style and the melody of Supyeon style can crated a different language.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.327-363
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• 2018

This paper tracks the present state of the Gugak educational programs run by Gugak-specialized museums including Museum of Gugak not only to set a directionality of Museum of Gugak to step forward for their main purposes, but also to find measures to invigorate its Gugak educational programs. There are 826 museums registered in 2016 nationwide, and ten of them are Gugak-specialized museums including Museum of Gugak. An analysis of the educational programs by Museum of Gugak presents high achievements in concentrativeness, participation and satisfaction levels. However, several issues such as difficulty level adjustment, education period arrangement, contents development, setting of a precise aim of education, and overcoming of regional limitations are to be solved in the future. Considering these special circumstances, the study suggests setting a directionality of Gugak education by following four conditions: Firtly, the Gugak education programs by Museum of Gugak should be user-oriented. Secondly, it is necessary to provide customized learning programs to suit users of various ages and generations. Thirdly, a solid education is required to enhance creativity deviating from uniform, unilateral, fragmentary education focused on materials and relics of museums as the users' experiences and learning levels vary. Fourthly, integrated education with relevant study in common use is required as the specialized environments of the museum could cause users psychological resistance and lessen their willingness to approach. Focusing on these four conditions several invigoration measures for the Gugak education programs are discussed: Firstly, a step-by-step approach, not a radical shift, is required in order to turn existing programs into the user-oriented. Secondly, customized learning programs should be planned in consideration of life cycle of the users. Thirdly, it is necessary to establish virtuous circulation reflecting activity-based contents as well as to provide the users experiences through five senses for solid Gugak education, in which various elements such as experiencing, learning, playing, viewing are reflected manifoldly. Fourthly, integrated education can be implemented when the features of Gugak educational programs are internally structured and the external environment matures.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.33-60
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• 2018

This article is to present that the research on the Mudang Gut Chum should be within the context of the performance of Mudang Gut and examines its meanings and implications with focus on Seoul Mudang Gut Chum and Hwanghae-do Mudang Gut Chum. Seoul and Hwanghae-do Mudang Gut Chums do not exist in the form of simple dance or movement. They feature continuity while serving the function of revealing the existence of spirit and sometimes show the process of the spirit joining the Gut ritual, which means that the Mudang Gut Chum should not be understood as the dance itself only. Instead, care attention should be paid to the status of the tune of Gut where the dance is placed, relationship between the gut and the spirit, and the flow of narrativity. Also, the Mudang Gut Chum has a lot to do with the tune. Looking at the Mudang Gut Chum simply focusing on dancing steps, and the movement of feet and/or hands fails to gain an accurate understanding of the fundamentals of the Mudang Gut Chum. Closely connected to the tune, which is also associated with the grade of the spirit, the dance shows a variety of performances conducted by entering the Gut ritual of the spirit. In that respect, complex views on the Mudang Gut Chum are required. The same applies to the hereditary shaman Mudang Gut as well. The Korean Mudang Gut Chum has a slight difference between the Gangshinmu gut and the hereditary gut but is in basically the same aspect. The Gut Chum holds its meaning in the flow of gutgeori (tune or dance performed during exorcism, a shaman song) and delivers its own meaning in connection with the tune. It is definitely meaningful to focus on the individual movements of a dancing shaman but one should be able to derive the network of meanings that such movements have within the performance of the gutgeori, which means that intensive studies on the field performance and circumstances should be completed before studying the Mudang Gut Chum. In addition, the Mudang Gut Chum discloses the characteristics of the performance group. The Mudang Gut Chum exists in a complex manner. With respects to the status of the spirit, it shows the characteristics of the performance group. It represents the progress of Gut while closely connected with the tune. Therefore, the way of describing the Mudang Gut Chum should be far more than just simply keeping the dance notations. With this in mind, one should investigate and record the Mudang Gut Chum.

• Journal of the Korean Applied Science and Technology
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• v.35 no.4
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• pp.1120-1133
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to validate the failure attribution factors affecting emotional changes after a failed service by local restaurant users, and the relapse effects of the perceived failure of a customer's brand relationship. In this study, the implications of this study can be divided into the null theory and the homogenous theory, in which the study of the relationship between individual belief that influences the null theory and the post-gender emotional response is minimal. The independence of the crash response (angerous VS compassion) has been equally validated as building a belief-gathering-emotion three-step model. First, emotional BRQ (intimate and love) has a reduction effect on controllable geeks, and behavioral BRQ (relative existence) has an extended effect on controllable geeks. From a management perspective, restaurant managers should be less aware of the repeatability of a customer's service failure and call for customer sympathy. Integratedly, restaurant managers must control the customer's perception of service failure and restore the impact of the customer's BRQ on emotional reactions. A variety of service recovery measures should be established and the cerumen should be controlled. In addition, since BRQs have different effects on anger and sympathy (extended VS), different service failure recovery plans should be presented depending on the characteristics of the customer BRQ. For example, measures such as monetary compensation or fair dealing, emotional distribution to close and loving customers, and persuasion of reciprocal benefits to interdependent customers should be developed according to circumstances. This study explored the effectiveness of the geeks after a service failure and has limitations that do not take into account the various regulatory factors in the BRQ-return-Empression process. Thus, in further studies, the effects of adjusting service failure strength should be considered and a more complete model should be built.