• Title/Summary/Keyword: Chinese characters in Korean & Chinese

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Music practice by court musicians and Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 (궁중 악인(樂人)의 음악 연습과 『악장요람(樂章要覽)』)

  • Lee, Jung-hee
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.43
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    • pp.357-380
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    • 2021
  • Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 is a book that summarizes only the important contents from the Akjang 樂章. Akjang 樂章 is arranged in the first half, and score 樂譜 is arranged in the second half. It seems that Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 passed through a total of four stages through the time when the handwriting and the lyrics were written. The presence of various handwriting and traces of modifications means that it has been passed through by several people, so it is not unrelated to the fact that several traces remain on the back of the cover of Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』. The first part of the Akjang 樂章 is a method of presenting the name and lyrics of the accompanying music based on the ritual procedure, and in particular, the lyrics are written in Chinese characters and Hangeul sounds to improve readability. The score in the second half complies with the ritual procedures, but boldly omits overlapping melodies, and is composed based on the music, and various symbols are used to capture the expression of court music. This structure is a reflection of the direction we practiced to harmonize with the music after prior ritual procedures and diction. This was a device to increase the efficiency of music education and music practice for the court musician. The characteristics of the musical pieces are that they consist of essential musical pieces that must be mastered as musicians. In addition, the name Kim Hyung-sik 金亨植 is noted on the back cover of Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』, and he was a court musician who was active in the age of King Sunjo 純祖. In other words, the musical pieces included in Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 are the core repertoire played by court musicians like Kim Hyung-sik 金亨植. Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 is a 'music practice booklet' containing the daily life of court musicians. Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 is a booklet designed for the purpose of teaching the court musicians to sing while correctly pronouncing the lyrics in major ceremonies. It is even more noteworthy in that Kim Hyung-sik 金亨植 was an owner. In addition to the fact that Kim Hyung-sik's name remains, and in the practicality of being used by various court musicians reflecting and modifying the changes of the times, it is meaningful in that it contains the path of court musicians who spent a lot of time and time to transmit court music.

On the Origin and Development of Iconography of the Twelve Zodiac Signs of Royal Tombs of Joseon Dynasty (조선왕릉 십이지신상(十二支神像)의 도상(圖像) 원류와 전개 과정)

  • Kim, Ji Yeon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.42 no.4
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    • pp.198-221
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    • 2009
  • Royal tombs of Joseon dynasty are the crystallization of history, ideology, culture, art, architecture, and ritual ceremony of Joseon dynasty, all mingled in one. So, they are very significant symbols showing 500 years of dynastic history as a whole. Among various factors comprising a royal tomb, stone figures surrounding grave mound are special factors as a symbol protecting it. Further among them, twelve zodiac images arrayed nearest to the grave mound represent the core of the function. Images of twelve zodiac signs originated from the tombs of the Unified Silla Kingdom are certain to hold important role and position in the construction of royal tombs, judging from huge scale and excellent sculptural art of them. However, both their scale and form had been gradually simplified in Goryeo and Joseon dynasty, thus the importance of them has been underestimated compared to other stone figures Images of twelve zodiac signs were very important factors which decorated royal tombs both as a protective role and as a concept of direction. Their historicity and symbolism cannot be neglected in that they had been transmitted to the royal tombs of Joseon dynasty. In this paper, images of twelve zodiac signs expressed in the royal tombs of Joseon dynasty are classified into 3 forms, and reviewed the origin and development of them for each period. They could be classified into 3 forms ; civil vassals with human body and head, civil vassals with human body and head wearing hat decorated with zodiac animals, Chinese characters of either zodiac signs or either a combination of 10 calendar signs and 8 trigrams. The above 3 forms originated from China and became a favorite motif to decorate the royal tombs from early Joseon period until late Joseon by replacing each other and thus changing along the course of the dynasty. In the meantime, we can see a unique character in the images of twelve zodiac signs of royal tombs of Joseon dynasty. In some cases, 24 directions are expressed in which 10 calender signs and 8 trigrams are composed altogether. Images of twelve zodiac signs in the royal bombs of Joseon dynasty are very significant as evidences by which we can confirm uniqueness and tradition of Korean tomb system transmitted from Unified Silla period.

Interpretation of Cultural Landscape at the Geumsidang(今是堂) sibigyung(12 Landscapes) in Miryang, Gyungnam (밀양 금시당(今是堂) 12경의 문화경관 해석)

  • Eom, Tae-Geon;Kim, Soo-Jin;Park, Jung-Lim;Kang, Han-Min;Sim, Woo-Kyung
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.29 no.2
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    • pp.1-18
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    • 2011
  • This study has been examined characteristics of Yeoju Lee family, rich group at Miryang in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty, around Geumsidang(今是堂) Lee Gwang-jin remains as a cultural landscape appeared in pictures, poetry, and a strange story. Geumsidang Lee Gwang-jin returned to his old home abandoned the middle government post after the death of Moonjeong queen in socially confused stage and tried to manage an annex to a Geumsidang located in Baekgok of Eungchun riverside, and Geumsidang he managed was affected by his teacher and uncle Wolyoun Lee Tae of a view of nature, filial behavior, and nature management etc. Also, 'Painting of 12 landscapes to Geumsidang' is landscape painting with the actual view not like the '8 landscapes of So-Sang' or '8 landscapes of Sa-Si' which is abstract landscape and Lee Gyeong-hong drew 12 landscapes of Geumsidang that includes Angbong(鶯峰: nightingale peak), Yongdu mountain(龍頭山), Mubong Buddhist temple(舞鳳寺), Maam mountain(馬巖山), Wolyeon-dae(月淵臺), Saindang village(舍人堂村), Youngnam-ru(嶺南樓), Miryang eubseong(密陽邑城), Eyeonso(梨淵沼: pear tree deep water), Yullim(栗林: chestnut tree forest), Miryang river(密陽江), Sammundong fields(沙門野), land and government office owned by Yeoju Lee family as landscape objects. 'Poems of 12 landscapes to Geumsidang' by Lee Yong-gu 11th sons of Lee Gwang-jin was written based on 'Painting of 12 landscapes to Geumsidang', and sang for time, season, and changes of the weather. All 12 poems are all a quatrain with seven Chinese characters in each line consisted of all 28 words, but does not match completely with shown elements in pictures because it is not a simple description of pictures but it is recreated by writer's personality. Therefore these painting shows not only th meaning of filial behavior but also village owned by Yeoju Lee family rich group in Miryang, and these poem recreated the pictures by changing as certain scenic spot with the object of enforcing territory of Yeoju Lee family.

Forming and Changing the Concept of 'Cultural Property' before the Enactment of the Cultural Heritage Protection Act (문화재보호법 제정 이전 '문화재' 개념의 형성과 변화)

  • OH Chunyoung
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.4
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    • pp.288-318
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    • 2023
  • This work began with the aim of examining the history of the concept "cultural property" that is expected to disappear, and the main subject of research was the history that preceded the spread of this notion throughout society. The phrase "cultural property" first appeared in the 1920s, and was used in various fields such as literature, history, music, and philosophy in the context of cultural resources. Until immediately following liberation from the Japanese colonial era, the meaning of cultural assets was widely applied in the range of "cultural resources," and during this period, it was often used to help supplant the reality and history of Japanese occupation. Immediately after the Korean War, it was also employed for the purpose of 'restoration of cultural resources through war'. Recognition of cultural property directly influenced by Japan's Cultural Heritage Protection Act has occurred since 1950s. In the early 1960s, the enactment of various laws related to cultural properties and the establishment of the Cultural Heritage Administration caused the meaning of cultural property to be limited to 'cultural heritage'. In this way, the definition of state-led cultural property has continued to apply to this day. It has not been clearly confirmed whether the concept of cultural properties was imported from Japan through means such as the Cultural Heritage Protection Act. Cases in which several Japanese students endorsed the concept of cultural property within Korea serve to increase the likelihood that the concept was indeed imported from Japan. However, "coined language using multiple Chinese characters," "the phenomenon of cultural complex words in the 1920s,", and "cases of non-Japanese international students using the concept of cultural property" also open up the possibility of their own occurrence. Apart from the general importance of the concept of cultural property, intellectuals at the time used this concept to promote internal development and the overcoming of colonial Joseon. In this research, it was confirmed that the conceptual word cultural property was older and had a wider history than the general perception had indicated previously. The history of the conceptual term "cultural property" may appear to be more than 60 years old based on the enactment of the Cultural Heritage Protection Act, but in fact it is nearly 100 years old when traced back to on 1925, as established here. In general, the creation and disappearance of terms may proceed naturally with social change, but such terms may alternatively be created or erased through national policy. Identifying the origins of a phrase that is about to disappear represents a significant task for purposes of establishing its historical meaning.

A Local Governments' Preferences in Selecting Modern Eight Scenic Landscapes (지자체가 선정한 현대팔경에 나타난 경관 선호 양상)

  • So, Hyun-Su
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.38 no.1
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    • pp.92-102
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    • 2020
  • The followings are the landscape preference aspects from the 816 landscapes(景, Kyung), which comprise the 78 modern Palkyungs, presented by the 78 local governments in Korea. First, the natural environment elements selected as Kyung(景), which are topographical landscapes, mostly consist of mountain elements such as mountains, terrace(臺), rocks and stones and water elements classified as rivers, oceans, and lakes. Natural elements also include old-growth and giant trees such as pines, ginkgos, Japanese cornels and fringe trees, tree-lined streets and forests, and plant elements such as azaleas, rhododendrons, lotuses, reeds, and silver grasses which provide seasonal landscapes. Second, more than half of Kyung, selected as human environment elements, are historical and cultural heritages such as graveyards, mountain fortresses, town fortresses, traditional villages, pavilion in villas, and temples. And it is followed by leisure tourism facilities such as traditional markets, exhibition halls, theme parks, beaches, and food streets, green-based structures such as trails, plazas, parks, and botanical gardens, and industrial heritages such as ranches, abandoned coal mines, stations, ports and bridges. Third, modern Palkyungs include objects not related to the views such as local representative facilities, regional products, and festivals. Fourth, although most of the modern Palkyungs consist of eight, some include 20, 38, or 100 in order to increase the number of objects of public relations. Fifth, a certain local government makes two modern Palkyungs with different subjects by introducing traditional Palkyung and modern Palkyung altogether. In this case, it presents several modern Palkyungs like by selecting Palkyungs in a limited area. Furthermore, one Palkyung includes numerous place names at a time in some cases. Sixth, Sosangjeonhyeong(瀟湘典型)-style modern Palkyung uses 'NakAn(落雁)' as the name of Kyung. Sosangyusahyeong(瀟湘類似型)-style modern Palkyung expresses 'Hyojong(曉鐘)' and landscape of glow of the setting sun, sunset, night view, dawn, sunrise and depicts cloud, sunset, moon, and snow. There are many Myeongsocheheomhyeong(名所體驗型)-style Palkyungs exhibiting the behavior of tourism and Myeongseunghyeong(名勝型)-style Palkyungs raising the awareness only by the names of the places. Seventh, modern Palkyung's naming styles are diverse, such as using only four letters instead of specifying Kyungmul(景物) or Kyungsaek(景色) in combination with Chinese characters or adding modifiers specializing in places.

The Relationship Between Guunmong and Bok-gwae (<구운몽>과 『주역』 복괘의 관련 양상)

  • Shin, Jae-Hong
    • Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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    • no.38
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    • pp.139-173
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    • 2018
  • In the study of Guunmong, which is one of the representative classical $17^{th}$ century novels of the Joseon Dynasty, interpretations through The Book of Change(Juyeok) have recently emerged. It is necessary to more concretely investigate the themes of the research. The writer Kim man-jung wrote the work in an exile situation. In that time he composed a poem using Chinese letters with meaning connected to The book of Change. In particular, the discourse of Bok-gwae(復卦, ䷗) concentrating on the meaning of recovery might be a basis to construct the inner world of the work. The sentence of 'Bok goes well' in The Book of Change suitably match up with the hero's life in Guunmong. In addition the sentences of 'There is no illness in going and coming. So it will be no faults if friends arriver' can be applied to the meeting between the hero and heroines of Guunmong. The general declarations of The Book of Change are appropriate for explaining the contents of Guunmong. There are six Hyos that make up Gwae. The Hyos, from the first one at the bottom to the fifth one up above, connect to the characters of Guunmong. The phrase of 'Not going far away' regarding to the first Yang Hyo can be connected to Yang So-yu, hero of Guunmong. The phrase of 'Recovering beautifully' with regard to the second Eum Hyo can also be realized in the life of Jeong Gyeong-pae and Ga Chunun, two heroines of the work. The phrase of 'Danger owing to frequently recovering' regarding the third Eum Hyo can be applied to the position of Gye Seom-weol and Jeok Gyeong-hong. The phrase of 'Going middle with recovering alone' regarding the forth Eum Hyo can be matched with Sim Yo-yeon and Baek Reung-pa. The phrase of 'No regrets during an intense recovery' with regard to the fifth Eum Hyo is applicable to Yi So-hwa and Jin Chae-bong. The phrase of 'Boding of a confused recovering' regarding the sixth Eum Hyo is related to the writer's situation. The boding of confused recovering is owing to anti-royal road. The contrast between the royal road and the anti-royal road reflects Confucianism and Buddhism, dream and reality, and Yang So-yu in a dream and Seong Jin, who is same hero, in reality. Moreover, the structure of Guunmong which is organized in the form of reality-dream-reality, has a basis in this contrast. Considering these relationships, we can say the classical novel Guunmong is a fable of Bok-gwae. The work is a hopeful narration of an effective recovery that the writer anticipated in exile.

The First North Korean Painting in the Collection of the National Museum of Korea: Myogilsang on Diamond Mountain by Seon-u Yeong (국립중앙박물관 소장 산률(山律) 선우영(鮮于英) 필(筆) <금강산 묘길상도>)

  • Yi, Song-mi
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.97
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    • pp.87-104
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    • 2020
  • Myogilsang on Diamond Mountain, signed and dated (2000) by Seon-u Yeong (1946-2009), is the first work by a North Korean artist to enter the collection of the National Museum of Korea (fig. 1a). The donor acquired the painting directly from the artist in Pyeongyang in 2006. In consequence, there are no issues with the painting's authenticity.This painting is the largest among all existing Korean paintings, whether contemporary or from the Joseon Dynasty, to depict this iconography (see chart 1. A Chronological List of Korean Myogilsang Paintings.) It is ink and color on paper, measures 130.2 × 56.2 centimeters, and is in a hanging scroll format. Since this essay is intended as a brief introduction of the painting and not in-depth research into it, I will simply examine the following four areas: 1. Seon-u Yeong's background; 2. The location and the traditional appellation of the rock-cut image known as Myogilsang; 3. The iconography of the image; and 4) A comparative analysis of Seon-u Yeong's painting in light of other paintings on the same theme. Finally, I will present two more of his works to broaden the understanding of Seon-u Yeong as a painter. 1. Seon-u Yeong: According to the donor, who met Seon-u at his workshop in the Cheollima Jejakso (Flying Horse Workshop) three years before the artist's death, he was an individual of few words but displayed a firm commitment to art. His preference for subjects such as Korean landscapes rather than motifs of socialist realism such as revolutionary leaders is demonstrated by the fact that, relative to his North Korean contemporaries, he seems to have produced more paintings of the former. In recent years, Seon-u Yeong has been well publicized in Korea through three special exhibitions (2012 through 2019). He graduated from Pyeongyang College of Fine Arts in 1969 and joined the Central Fine Arts Production Workshop focusing on oil painting. In 1973 he entered the Joseon Painting Production Workshop and began creating traditional Korean paintings in ink and color. His paintings are characterized by intense colors and fine details. The fact that his mother was an accomplished embroidery specialist may have influenced on Seon-u's choice to use intense colors in his paintings. By 1992, he had become a painter representing the Democratic People's Republic of Korea with several titles such as Artist of Merit, People's Artist, and more. About 60 of his paintings have been designated as National Treasures of the DPRK. 2. The Myogilsang rock-cut image is located in the Manpok-dong Valley in the inner Geumgangsan Mountain area. It is a high-relief image about 15 meters tall cut into a niche under 40 meters of a rock cliff. It is the largest of all the rock-cut images of the Goryeo period. This image is often known as "Mahayeon Myogilsang," Mahayeon (Mahayana) being the name of a small temple deep in the Manpokdong Valley (See fig. 3a & 3b). On the right side of the image, there is an intaglio inscription of three Chinese characters by the famous scholar-official and calligrapher Yun Sa-guk (1728-1709) reading "妙吉祥"myogilsang (fig. 4a, 4b). 3. The iconography: "Myogilsang" is another name for the Bhodhisattva Mañjuśrī. The Chinese pronunciation of Myogilsang is "miaojixiang," which is similar in pronunciation to Mañjuśrī. Therefore, we can suggest a 妙吉祥 ↔ Mañjuśrī formula for the translation and transliteration of the term. Even though the image was given a traditional name, the mudra presented by the two hands in the image calls for a closer examination. They show the making of a circle by joining the thumb with the ring finger (fig. 6). If the left land pointed downward, this mudra would conventionally be considered "lower class: lower life," one of the nine mudras of the Amitabha. However, in this image the left hand is placed across its abdomen at an almost 90-degree angle to the right hand (fig. 6). This can be interpreted as a combination of the "fear not" and the "preaching" mudras (see note 10, D. Saunders). I was also advised by the noted Buddhist art specialist Professor Kim Jeong-heui (of Won'gwang University) to presume that this is the "preaching" mudra. Therefore, I have tentatively concluded that this Myogilsang is an image of the Shakyamuni offering the preaching mudra. There is no such combination of hand gestures in any other Goryeo-period images. The closest I could identify is the Beopjusa Rock-cut Buddha (fig. 7) from around the same time. 4. Comparative analysis: As seen in , except for the two contemporary paintings, all others on this chart are in ink or ink and light color. Also, none of them included the fact that the image is under a 40-meter cliff. In addition, the Joseon-period paintings all depicted the rock-cut image as if it were a human figure, using soft brushstrokes and rounded forms. None of these paintings accurately rendered the mudra from the image as did Seon-u. Only his painting depicts the natural setting of the image under the cliff along with a realistic rendering of the image. However, by painting the tall cliff in dark green and by eliminating elements on either side of the rock-cut image, the artist was able to create an almost surreal atmosphere surrounding the image. Herein lies the uniqueness of Seon-u Yeong's version. The left side of Seon-u's 2007 work Mount Geumgang (fig. 8) lives up to his reputation as a painter who depicts forms (rocks in this case) in minute detail, but in the right half of the composition it also shows his skill at presenting a sense of space. In contrast, Wave (fig. 9), a work completed one year before his death, displays his faithfulness to the traditions of ink painting. Even based on only three paintings by Seon-u Yeong, it seems possible to assess his versatility in both traditional ink and color mediums.

The rite of worshiping heaven's ritual analysis from end of Koryo to beginning of Choson period (려말선초(麗末鮮初) 제천례(祭天禮)의 의례적 분석 - 명대와의 비교를 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Sang-tae
    • Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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    • no.45
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    • pp.291-325
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    • 2014
  • This study is about examining the changing process of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty. For this, it was compared with book of national rites. This paper will outline the differences of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven between Korea and China and its reason for changing process. Also, it shows the understanding of the historic characteristics of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty through analyzing conducted religious service. Following methodological approach was used to achieve the aim of the study. The study includes historical changing process and basic ritual of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven from Koryo dynasaty to King Sejo period through various chronicles and books of rites. Understanding the trend transition of operating commemorative rites of worshiping heaven is expressed differently based on the situation in those days even though it is the same operation of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven. The existing study only primarily considered the rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty through the resources within the country. However, the process of settlement of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven is closely related to settlement of Confucian formality. As the problems cannot be solved if institutional changes are researched only though the resources within the nation, this following study also considered the transition of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven in China for sure. Through this approach, the study understood how China's rites of worshiping heaven settled down and formed in Korea and found differences of the rites of worshiping heaven between the two nations by comparing China's book with ornamental "seal" characters throughout many generations. Furthermore, it also illustrated historical characteristics of rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty by analyzing carried out religious service. Although it seems like there are many similarities of Chinese ritual procedure between Koryo dynasty and Chosun dynasty, there are existing significant differences in the context. Moreover, it is clear that there are differences of ritual between Tang, Song, Ming dynasty. These differences are directly connected to Korea and also with transition of king's power. Generally, Tang and Song dynasty show similar trend whilst Ming clarifies the differences between the two. For instance, there are differences between deep bow and superintendent of cho-hun, a-hun, and jong-hun. Transition of configuration is also one of the major differences. Changing of configuration has considerably important meaning refer to status of king's power. Analyzing specific features, such as size of altar, ancestral tablet, people who participate in sacrifices, okpye, configuration, and etc., made possible to consider the actual differences, not just examining different features of vaguely. Based on this foundation, the study closely examined the differences among the periods between the nations and gave the significance of the differences.

The Characteristics and Landscape Meanings of Letters Carved on the Rocks of Mt. Sangdu (상두선(象頭山) 바위글씨의 특징과 경관의미)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Lee, Jung-Han;Huh, Joon;Kim, Jeong-Moon
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.30 no.2
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    • pp.1-13
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    • 2012
  • This study aimed at learning the values and meanings of the letters carved on the rocks all over Mt. Sangdu located at the boundary between Kimje-si and Jeongeup-si of Jeollabuk-do by grasping the current state of them, investigating the patterns and contents of them, and understanding the spatial and landscape properties of the region where the rocks are scattered. The results of this study are as follows; The name of Mt. Sangdu came from the mountain with the same name located in India where Buddha were seeking the truth, and means auspicious. With the recognition of ancient maps and books, various propitious spots also made the landscape symbols of Mt. Sangdu solidify. Whoam, Chaangsuk-Kim, Weolgye Young-Cho Song and the members of Cheonggye Society like Dongcho Seok-Gon Kim led the creation of the rocks, and the 41 letter-carved rocks all over four water systems were found out and all of them were carved with Chinese characters. The letters were usually carved on flat and broad rocks, and they mainly had the shape of a small waterfall and a wide waterfall of under 1 meter height. 25(60.9%) of the carved letters were about moral training, and it seemed that they wanted to protect their pride under the shackle of the Japanese colonization over Korea. The styles of handwriting are Hangseo and Jeonseo except for names, and show various and complex styles. The mix composition of the carved letters of 'Yusubulbu(流水不腐)' of Choseo and the rocks of Takjok(濯足) is extraordinary, and the letters carved as the shape of Nakkwan(落款) have artistic value and degree of finishing. It seemed that intellectuals during the Japanese colonization over Korea in the 1930s considered Mt. Sangduasa highly valuable region because they expressed their hope and wish for the new world on the rocks. The letters on the rocks of Mt. Sangdu are invaluable cultural landscaping elements for the improvement of landscaping symbolism of Mt. Sangdu because of colliding values and spirits of the time of 'the anguish and pain of intellectuals' and 'the status of living joyfully outside of the mundane world.'

A Review of Current Status and Placeness on the Yusang-Goksu Ruins in Hwanggak-dong, Geumma, Iksan (익산 금마 황각동 유상곡수 유적 일대의 현황과 장소성에 대한 일고찰)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Han, Min-Soon;Seo, Youn-Mi;Park, Yool-Jin
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.40 no.3
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    • pp.20-35
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    • 2022
  • This study was conducted on the locational results of the 'Yusanggoksu(流觴曲水)' petroglyphs located in Hwanggak-dong(黃閣洞), Shinsong-ri, Geumma-myeon, Iksan-si through literature study, analysis of old maps and aerial photos, field observations, drone photography, elevation surveys, and interviews with residents. It was attempted for the purpose of illuminating and preserving the relics of the domestic Yusanggoksu garden by clarifying the spatiality of this place by tracing the spatiality and examining the possibility of enjoying the Yusanggoksu water system in this place. The conclusion of this study is as follows. The area around Hwanggak-dong, where the Yusanggoksu remains, has been selected as the most beautiful scenic spot in Iksan in various documents. The origin of 'Hwanggak' is considered to be closely related to the nickname of Uijeongbu(議政府). In other words, he paid attention to the relationship with Yanggok, So Se-yang(蘇世讓), who served as Chan-seong Jwa(左贊成). In particular, he paid attention to the relationship with his birthplace, Taeheojeong, a separate book, and Toehyudang, a retreat hall), tombs, and posthumous Confucian academies were distributed in the vicinity. Haseo-dae(荷鋤臺), a wide rock on which a hoe is hung on a rock after field work, seems to express a leisurely rural life and a simple and hermit life, based on the examples of Chinese and Korean poetry. The dark blood on the upper part of the Seobwi Rock with the inscription 'Yusanggoksu', which is the core of this site, is identified as a chailgong(遮日孔) to support the water system, and Ilgan-pavilion and Mojeong(茅亭) nearby are to support the yusanggoksu. It seems to have performed a spatial function for The inscription 'Hwanggak-dong' engraved on the front of Deungzanbawi is the gateway to Hwanggakdongcheon(黃閣洞天) and identified the idealized world existing in the village. Judging from the documentary records of the Iksan-gun 『Chongswaelog(叢瑣錄)』, the rock letters 'Hwanggak-dong' and 'Haseodae' were engraved on March 29, 1901, the 5th year of Gwangmu, the 5th year of the Korean Empire, by Iksan-gun Governor Oh Haeng-mook(吳宖默) and his acquaintance Seokseong Kim In-gil(金寅吉) Confirmed. Also, considering the tense of Lee Bong-gu's 「Hwanggakdongun(黃閣洞韻)」 and So Jin-deok, a descendant of Yanggok, 「Hwanggakdongsihoe(黃閣洞詩會)」, it is presumed that it was related to Goksuyeon(曲水宴) in Hwanggak-dong. It can be inferred that the current affairs meetings were held at least until the early days of Japanese colonial rule. Meanwhile, the maximum width of the current curved waterway was calculated as 11.3m and the transverse slope was 15.0%. If so, it is estimated that the width and extension distance of the curved waterway would have been much longer. Judging from the use of mochun(暮春), drinking and poetry, the tense 'Hwanggakdongsihoe' related to the Yusanggoksu relics in Hwanggak-dong, and the existence of a pavilion presumed to be Yusangjeong(流觴亭) called Ilgan-pavilion in the nearby Yusanggoksu site It is confirmed that it was a space where Yusanggoksuyeon(流觴曲水宴) spread at least until the end of the Joseon Dynasty. Unfortunately, it remains a limitation of the study that it cannot be confirmed due to lack of data on the rock characters of 'Yusanggoksu' and those who enjoyed it before the end of the Joseon Dynasty. This is an area that needs to be elucidated through continuous efforts to find data on this issue in the future.