• 통상정보연구
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• 제6권3호
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• pp.373-384
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• 2004

While the bilateral trade volume between China and U.S. has been growing rapidly, the trade deficits of U.S. to China has also been expanding. This growing trade deficit of U.S. to China has several reasons: the increase of foreign direct investment to China, the transfer of trade deficit origins, the intervention of U.S. domestic politics to China-U.S. trade relations, and U.S. direct control on export to China. However, the increased U.S. trade deficit to China does not mean that U.S. is in a disadvantaged position in its economic relations with China, or its international competitiveness is deteriorating. When U.S. surplus in service trade to China is included, the picture would be very different. Also, as internationalization progresses and China's industrial structure adjusts, the trade deficit of U.S. to China would narrow.

• 무역상무연구
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• 제59권
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• pp.181-205
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• 2013

This study has analyzed the international trade flow of medical devices in Korea, China, and U.S. more theoretically and systematically through a mutual connection of the medical device export structure of Korea and the import structure of China and U.S. organically, with an intensity approach on the bilateral international trade flow. Also, it is meaningful to find a solution to boost exports of Korea to China and U.S.. Therefore in this study, we recognize the importance of the medical device market in China and U.S., which is the main competition for Korea and its market, and look into the trade situation of these three countries. We also look into the relative market stream and the trade intensity of the main medical devices in Korea, China and U.S., and seek measures for the steady growth of the medical device market in these three countries.

• 아태비즈니스연구
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• 제13권2호
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• pp.183-195
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• 2022

Purpose - The study attempted to analyze how the U.S.-China trade dispute affects a highly trade-dependent South Korea. Currently, major domestic and international institutions have issued a number of conflicting predictions that the trade dispute between China and the United States will have a positive and negative impact on South Korea. Accordingly, the present study attempted to analyze using actual data. Design/methodology/approach - The analysis was conducted using actual import and export data from the United States and China and actual import and export data from the United States and China from South Korea. The analysis measured the number and amount of imports and exports by year and month, and the rate of increase and decrease. We also looked at trade dispute days, import and export outcomes and what the impact was. In addition, as a result of the US-China trade dispute, the amount of change in Korea's imports and exports was analyzed. Findings - Empirical analysis shows that South Korea's exports to the United States and China have increased. The analysis results are as follows. First, exports to the United States increased by 5.65% in 2018 and 6.45% in 2019 compared to 2017. Second, exports to China surged 12.34% in 2018 compared to 2017. This increase in South Korea's exports to the United States and its mass exports to the United States shows that South Korea has benefited from the trade dispute between the United States and China. Research implications or Originality - South Korea, which is highly trade-dependent, has been heavily affected by the U.S.-China trade dispute. Various predictions are made about this. The analysis showed that South Korea's export volume has increased. In the end, the effect of the trade transition to the 3rd country did not occur. Rather, the U.S.-China trade dispute appears to have helped South Korea.

• 문화기술의 융합
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• 제9권2호
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• pp.285-294
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• 2023

미국과 중국의 무역분쟁은 코로나 전부터 시작하고 범유행(pandemic) 속에 새로운 변화를 가져와 이때 완화되고 있는데 중국 제조업 산업 발전으로 미중 무역 간 상호의존도가 높아졌다. 하지만 글로벌 전체 무역량이 팬더믹 전보다 적다. 코로나19 팬더믹 이후 미국과 중국 공급망의 변화에 대한 분석한 다음에 그 상황에 대한 한국의 대응 방안에 대한 구체적으로 제시하고자 한다. 하지만, 요즘 새로운 변화가 다시 일어나고 있다. 2022년 하반기에 중국 상하이에서 코로나19가 발생하면서 중국 산업사슬에 새로운 변화가 일어날 것으로 보인다. 중국 정부가 코로나19 방역수치를 엄격하게 작성하면서 업계 중 상당수 공장과 기업들이 당분간 문을 닫을 수밖에 없는 상황이지만 2023년에 현재 전 세계적으로 나라들이 코로나 상황이 좋아지고 있다. 그 변화하는 상황 속에서 중국은 핵심 과학기술의 연구개발 역도를 강화하고, 국제와 국내의 이중 사이클을 통해 혁신 생태계의 활력을 북돋아 글로벌 공급사슬의 상류로 이동시켜야 한다. 이럴 때 한국은 미국과 좋은 무역동반자 관계를 최대한 유지하면서 공급망에서 장점을 발휘하여 자신의 위치가 확고해야 한다.

• 무역상무연구
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• 제69권
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• pp.567-588
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• 2016

Korea-China FTA and Korea-U.S. FTA are the most significant FTA in volume and economic effect for Korea's perspective. Developed countries have dealt with environmental issues one of the main issues in FTA negotiation, while developing countries have been reluctant to it. Both Korea-China FTA and Korea-U.S. FTA have separate environment chapter respectively. A separate environment chapter was firstly introduced in Korea-U.S. for Korea's perspective. Both environment chapters provide high level of environment protection, recognition of multilateral environmental agreements, enforcement of environmental laws, and environmental cooperation. Both environment chapters require that each party make effort to improve environmental laws and measures. Korea-China FTA provides establishment a "Committee on Environment and Trade", and Korea-U.S. FTA provides establishment a "Environment Council" to oversee the implementation of environment clauses. Korea-China FTA and Korea-U.S. FTA have very similar provisions on environment and trade, and are expected to contribute to enhancing environment protection. However, a lot of provisions are somewhat declaratory rather than mandatory. Therefore, further environmental cooperation is encouraged to achieve the goals and objectives of the environment clauses and FTA.

• 무역학회지
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• 제44권1호
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• pp.177-191
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• 2019

Global trade protectionism has increased further and U.S. priorities and protectionism have strengthened since Trump took office in 2017. Trump administration is actively implementing tariff measures based on U.S. domestic trade laws rather than the WTO rules and regulations. In particular, the American government has recently been imposing high tariffs due to national security and imposing economic sanctions on other countries' imports. According to the U.S. Trade Expansion Act Section 232, the American government imposed additional tariffs on steel and aluminum imports to WTO member countries such as China, India, and EU etc. on march 15, 2018. Thus, this study aims to investigate whether the U.S. Trade Expansion Act Section 232 is consistent with GATT/WTO rules by comparing the legal basis of US / China / WTO regulations related to Section 232 of the U.S. Trade Expansion Act, and gives some suggestions for responding to the Section 232 measure. As the Section 232 measure exceeded the scope of GATT's Security Exceptions regulation and is very likely to be understood as a safeguard measure. If so, the American government is deemed to be in breach of WTO's regulations, such as the most-favored-nation treatment obligations and the duty reduction obligations. In addition, American government is deemed to be failed to meet the conditions of initiation of safeguard measure and violated the procedural requirements such as notification and consultation. In order to respond to these U.S. protection trade measures, all affected countries should actively use the WTO multilateral system to prevent unfair measures. Also, it is necessary to revise the standard jurisdiction of the dispute settlement body and to explore the balance of the WTO Exception clause so that it can be applied strictly. Finally, it would be necessary for Chinese exporters to take a counter-strategy under such trade pressure.

• 아태비즈니스연구
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• 제7권2호
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• pp.49-59
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• 2016

The study attempts to investigate the causes of Sino-U.S. trade friction in recent years and provides countermeasures accordingly. The import and export volume of two countries, the product structure of China's export, the 337th Act lawsuits related to China, the industries involved in trade friction, and the G-L Index of Sino-U.S. Products are analyzed in detail. The causes of Sino-US trade frictions are discussed from the aspect of mercantilism and trade protectionism, interest groups and governments' trade policies, Chinese product structure, intellectual property protection in China, and performance of Chinese enterprises in litigation. Based on these, countermeasures are put forward. China needs to implement industrial upgrading, increasing the added value of products, and improving intellectual property protection. A trade friction warning system also needs to be constructed. The Chinese government needs to carry out strategic dialogue and international negotiation.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제8권4호
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• pp.207-211
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• 2020

In the global economy, trade is not confined in geological boundaries, enhancing the international relation among countries. However, the trade tension between the largest economy and the second-largest economy raise concerns among the world economies, enhancing the uncertainties around world. In particular, the trade tension between the two countries is highly related with South Korea's trade balance, because the country is highly dependent on the trade with the two countries. Given this, we analyzed the news editorials published in Korean quality newsaper, with related to U.S. and China Trade War by looking at the ideological perspectives of news outlets or journalists to the issue within the framework of critical discourse analysis. In particular we gave a special attention to the attitude to each country in order to investigate their ideological stance to the country, following van Dijk (1998)' ideological square. The results are as follows: first, the Chosun Ilbo emphasized 'their' bad properties directly and aggresively, while the Hankyoreh designated the U.S. as a member of an out-group, thus mitigating 'our' bad quatilies; Second, the two strategies of emphasis and mitigation enabled both newspapers to reinforce in-group homogeneity and out-group exclusion. Thus, we could conclude that the editorial is a clear indicator to show the news outlet's ideological stance to each country in regard to the trade issue.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.117-142
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• 2015

This paper uses a 53-country 15-industry computable general equilibrium model of trade to analyze the effects of the Korea-China free trade agreement on the Korean economy, the manufacturing sector in particular. The model is based on Yaylaci and Shikher (2014) which uses the Eaton-Kortum methodology to explain intra-industry trade. The model predicts that the Korea-China FTA will increase Korea-China manufacturing trade by 56%, manufacturing employment in Korea by 5.7% and China by 0.55%. The model also predicts significant reallocation of employment across industries with the Food industry in Korea losing jobs and other industries there gaining jobs, with the Medical equipment industry gaining the most. There will be some trade diversion from the ASEAN countries, as well as Japan and the United States.

• 무역학회지
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• 제43권5호
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• pp.47-66
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• 2018

본 연구는 본 연구는 최근 발생하고 있는 미국과 중국 간의 무역 분쟁이 가져다주는 경제적 효과를 분석한다. (i) 미국이 중국에 관세를 일방적으로 부과하는 경우, (ii) 미국과 중국이 쌍방으로 관세를 부과하는 경우, (iii) 미국이 보호무역주의를 확대하여 한국, 일본, EU의 특정 산업(자동차 및 철강)에 보호무역 관세를 추가 부과하는 경우를 CGE모형을 이용하여 각 국의 거시경제변수 및 산업별 수출입 변화를 추정한다. 연구결과에 따르면, 미국과 중국의 무역 전쟁이 발생할 경우 양국의 GDP 및 후생은 모두 감소한다. 그 중에서도 미국보다 중국의 감소폭이 더 크게 나타나, 무역전쟁은 미국보다 중국에게 더 불리한 것으로 평가된다. 무역전쟁의 기간이 길어질수록, 중국의 GDP 및 후생의 감소폭은 더 확대되는 것으로 나타난다. 산업별 분석의 결과에 따르면, 전자산업, 수송기기산업 및 금속산업의 세계 교역량이 크게 감소한다. 무역 분쟁 당사국의 교역량이 크게 감소하는 반면 제3국의 교역량은 크게 변동하지 않아, 결국 무역 분쟁은 부정적 효과는 두 국가에게 돌아가는 것으로 평가된다. 무역 분쟁 밖에 있는 국가들의 GDP와 후생은 오히려 소폭 증가하는 것으로 나타난다. 마지막으로, 미국이 보호무역주의를 한국, 일본, EU로 확대한 경우, 양국의 GDP 및 후생의 감소폭이 더 크게 나타나, 미국이 보호무역 정책을 확대하는 것은 자국 경제에 바람직하지 않은 결과를 초래한다. 따라서 한국은 보호주의 정책의 부당성과 한국 산업의 피해를 강조하는 것에 우선하여 미국의 중국규제의 정당성 측면에 동조하면서 미국 보호주의 정책에서 벗어나는 전략수립이 필요하다.