• Journal of Technology Innovation
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.75-110
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• 2023

This paper aims at discussing the evolution of innovation theory from the beginning of the last century to present. Innovation theory has begun by Joseph Schumpeter in the beginning of the last century and his theory had not attained much attention compared to the mainstream economic theory. In the 1960s, some neo-classical economists analyzed the effect of technological change on economic growth and emphasized the role of demand in innovation process. However, in the beginning of the 1970s, Schumpeter's innovation theory, which emphasized the role of innovation and entrepreneurship in economic and social development, attained enormous attention by many liberal economists. They were called neo-Schumpeterians as they followed the theories and ideas of Schumpeter. In the middle of the 1980s, neo-Schumpeterians identified the concept of national innovation system(NIS), which is the total mobilization system of innovation resources for generating, appropriating and diffusing technological innovations. Soon this theory diffused very quickly at regional and sectoral level. As a result, there have been very active empirical studies on innovation systems in the world. Since the beginning of the 2000s the transition study have been actively carried out mainly in European countries. This study emphasizes the transition of existing innovation systems into more sustainable ones. In Korea we need to activate transition study, because there have been only few studies in this new theory.

• Journal of Forest and Environmental Science
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.35-49
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• 2007

This study analyzed on the developmental process of forest policy direction in Korea and present status of forest desolation in North Korea of the pre and post division of the Korean peninsular with historical point of view and indicates future tasks to take. Forests in Korea were destroyed in the early of 1900s while Korean peninsular was under Japanese colonial rule. In 1945, Korea was divided into two parts, which developed its own forest policy under the different political system. South Korea was at Korean war in 1950 and accomplished the greening movement from 1970s to 1980s. After 1990s, the country has aimed to sustainable forest management. North Korea has focused on forestation until 1960. However, the result has been doubtful with North Korean economic depression, and these days North Korea faces forest desolation due to failures of forest management. Therefore, necessary is that recovery measures for forest desolation in North Korea, cooperation and interchange between North and South Korea and plans of forest management in case of unification.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.181-215
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• 2017

The study found that the origins of modern Korean welfare regime are closely related to the political and economic order of the U.S. military rule between 1945 and 1948. The creation of developmental state in 1960s and 1970s can not be imagined from the standpoint of the U.S. military rule. The U.S. military government dismantled the labor movement and the farmers' movement, and dealt a devastating blow to leftist political forces. Through this process, the U.S. military government turned the political landscape of the Republic of Korea, which was dominated by left-wing political forces in August 1945, completely transformed into the political landscape dominated by right-wing political forces. Moreover, it would not have been possible without the physical force of the US military government to transplant American capitalism instead of the social (democratic) state that the majority of the Korean people wanted. Through farmland reform, the traditional landowning classes were broken down, the revolutionary farmers turned into conservative peasants, and the distribution of factories owned by the Japanese led to the birth of a new capitalist class that was subordinated to the state. From the viewpoint of the welfare regime, the most significant meaning of the US military government is that it laid the foundations for the developmental state in the 1960s and 1970s in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.65 no.2
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• pp.179-201
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• 2013

Since the 1960s, Korean welfare regime has been characterized by developmental welfare regime, of which invisible welfare programs like relation-based welfare are one of core elements. Developmental welfare regime of Korea has been dismantled after 1990s by the internal and external pressures. Focusing on the declines of relation-based welfare, this study examines the dismantle of developmental welfare regime of Korea. Since the late-1990s, the roles of inter-family income transfer and public income transfer are significant changed in terms of each share of total household income and each contribution of poverty alleviation. In other words, the role of public welfare has been growing while that of relation-based welfare has been decreased in the last twenty years. For the sake of a successful welfare regime transition in Korea, redistributional function of public welfare is quite important, but the development of reciprocal social economy and open community are also needed. Because, at this time and in this place, traditional welfare state building strategy is not proper in many aspects. However, it is impossible to achieve the development of reciprocal open community by restoration of relation-based welfare which has been already declined. This study regards enlargement of social economy or third sector as a development of reciprocal open community, and insists that cooperatives are especially worthy of notice.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.40 no.6 s.111
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• pp.748-761
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• 2005

This study attempts to describe and periodinate the sixty years history of Korean Geographical Society. For the purpose, several numerical records concerned with the society were employed. The Korean Geographical Society was established in 1945 as a first academic society in geography. The international participation of Korean geographers started when it applied for the IGU membership in 1959. Next year, Korean's application was approved at the 19th IGC in Stockholm. The 40 years later, Korea came to host the 29th IGC in Seoul. This means that the activity of Korean geographers has been vigorous during the 40 years in accordance with high growth of Korean economy. The number of the society member reached 116 in the latter part of 1960s. It grew steadily from 1970s to 1990s and now amounts to around one thousand. It is believed that such trend is associated with the increase of geographical department and the development of graduate programs during past 40 years in Korea. The number of the advanced degree holders was only 2 in 1960, and now reachs 338 among which 166($43\%$) obtained from the foreign country. The Int issue of the society journal 'Geagraphy' -the title was changed to 'Journal of the KGS' in 1993-was published in 1963. It has gradually developed into the annual for $1966{\~}1973$, the semi-annual for $1974{\~}1990$, the quaterly for $1991{\~}1997$, and the hi-monthly until 2005. One issue per year has been published in English since 1993. The annual number of papers accepted by the editorial board has increased from 7 in 1960s-1970s to 52 in the new millennium. In terms of the specialty distribution of total 725 papers after 1963, many Korean geographers have been preferable to the field of socio-economic and urban geography as their major, and next histro-cultural and physical geography. Recently, a growing number of younger geographers are more interested in such diversified fields as ecological geography, socio-historical geography, applied geography concerned with GIS technic, geography education and so on. Such trend is a reflection of the new era which is characterized by diversity, software, high technology, globalization and others. The sixty years history of the society nay be summarized into the five phases of periodization: (1) establishment and chaos($1945{\~}1959$), (2) reconstruction(1960${\~}$1969), (3)reorganization(1970${\~}$1989), (4) jump and rush($1990{\~}1999$), (5)globalization($2000{\~}\;$).

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.522-540
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• 2012

The main aim of the paper is to identify the position or status of Korean economic geography in changing global economic geography by reviewing papers published in Korean geographical journals since the mid-1950s. Since the late 20th century as economic geography has developed significantly with the introduction of new research issues, methodologies, and theory and concepts, economic geography in Korea also has gone through rapid development in terms of both quantitative and qualitative perspectives. The paper attempts to analyze trends in Korean economic geography by reviewing agricultural, industrial, commercial geographies, and others since the mid-1950s. The review of economic geography in Korea would be based on four periods classified by research issues and approaches; foundation (~1950s), positioning (1960s and 1970s), jump and rush (1980s and mid-1990s), and transitional period (late 1990s~). Agricultural geography in Korea has decreased due to increases of the interests in industrial geography since the 1980s. In particular, since the late 1990s industrial geography has undergone a significant transition in accordance with the emergence of new theories of institutional perspectives, centering around issues on value chains, innovative cluster, cooperative and competitive networks, foreign direct investment, flexible specialization and venture ecology. Along with this, there has been changes in the interest of commercial geography in Korea from researches on periodical markets, the structure of store formats, and distributions by commodity, to researches on producer services and retailer's locational behaviors and commercial supremacy according to the emergence of new store formats. Since the late 1990s, many researches and discussions associated with the new economic geography began to emerge in Korea. Various research issues are focused on analyzing changes of local, regional and global economic spaces and their processes in relation to institutional perspectives, knowledge and innovation, production chain and innovative networks, industrial clusters and RIS, and geographies of service. Although economic geography in Korea has developed significantly both in quantitative and qualitative perspectives, we pointed out that it has still limited in some specific scope and issues. Therefore, it is likely to imply that its scope and issues should be diversified with new perspectives and approaches.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society for Technology of Plasticity Conference
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• 2003.10a
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• pp.17-17
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• 2003

1960년대 경제개발 5개년 계획의 시작과 함께 우리나라 과학기술의 발전을 위한 투자가 본격화되었고, 과학기술 혁신이 정부정책의 가장 중요한 시책으로 부각되었다. 지난 40 여 년간 우리나라 과학기술은 선진기술의 모방에서 출발하여 효율적으로 단계별 성장을 거치면서 2000 년대에는 세계수준의 지식 및 기술을 창출할 수 있는 토대가 마련되었다. 본 발표에서는 한국과학기술의 현주소와 향후 전망을 분석하여 국내 연구개발의 방향을 조명해 보고자 한다. 1982년 특정연구개발사업을 시작으로 국가적 차원에서 목표설정 및 연구개발 자원을 전략적으로 집결하여 다양한 국가 연구개발 사업들이 수행되어 왔다. 그 후 20여년이 지난 현재 20개 부처에서 200 여개의 국가 연구개발사업이 추진되고 있으며, 이러한 연구개발사업의 성과로서 DRAM, TFT-LCD, CDMA 등 첨단 분야에서 세계 최고 수준의 국제경쟁력을 갖춘 기술들이 다수 확보되었다. 주력 산업인 IT산업, 자동차, 철강, 조선, 섬유 등도 기술혁신에 의한 국제 경쟁력 강화로 수출이 확대되면서 우리 경제의 견인차 역할을 하고 있다 최근 10년간 연구개발 투자규모는 3배 이상 증가하여 2000년 기준으로 세계 8위의 투자규모를 달성하였으며, 민간의 연구개발 투자 비중도 크게 늘어나 민간주도형 연구개발체제로 전환되게 되었다. 2001년에 이르러서는 총연구비 투자규모가 15조 이상으로서 이는 전체 GDP의 ∼3% 에 해당되는 수치이며 선진국 수준에 육박하고 있음을 짐작 할 수 있다. 지식기반사회를 선도하여 국가 경쟁력을 높이기 위해 정부는 연구개발 투자를 계속 확대할 정책을 시도하고 있으며 창의적 과학기술인력의 양성 체제 구축 및 효율적인 활용에도 적극 투자하고 있다. 과학기술부는 과학기술혁신의 중추적 역할을 담당하고 있으며 현재까지 20,000여개이상의 과제를 수행하여 국가경쟁력 강화에 크게 기여하여왔다. 정부는 국내외 과학기술 환경변화가 심한 21세기를 맞이하여 새로운 기회와 도약을 위하여 과학기술 중심국가 건설이라는 새로운 비전을 제시하게 되었다. vision 2025를 통해 2025년까지 21세기 첫 4반세기 동안 과학기술 경쟁력을 세계적인 수준으로 끌어올려 과학기술에 기반을 둔 선진국 진입을 실현하고자 다양한 정책적 대응을 물색하고 있다. 세계 시장규모, 전략적 중요성 등을 토대로 한 10대 산업을 육성하기 위하여 과학기술부는 기술수요조사를 바탕으로 49개 주요기술을 도출하여, 과학기술 일류 국가 실현, 국민소득 2만불 달성이라는 국가적 슬로건을 내걸고 “차세대 성장동력” 창출을 위한 범정부차원의 기획과 연구비의 집중투자를 추진하고 있다.

• Archives of design research
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.69-79
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• 2002

The Korean textile industry contributed much to the country's economic success during the 1970s-80s. Since the end of the 1980s, however, most of the Korean textile industry has begun to suffer from both high labor costs and skilled-labor shortage. During this period, such countries as China, Indonesia, and Malaysia began to gain strong foothold in the global textile market, mainly owing to considerably low label costs. To maintain competitiveness in the global textile market, the Korean textile industry should undergo a structural change. It should switch from the mass production of low quality design to selective praction of high quality and well-designed textiles. An cement of high value-added should be put into the textile product.: Usage of functional material, new processing technology, automation, pro-environmental dye shes, and strategic marketing is required. In this appear, I suggest ways and means to make the Korean textile design be good enough to compete in the global market.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.195-229
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• 2018

This study has examined how the welfare system has changed as it has passed through the most controversial period in Korean modern history. The welfare system has changed in a way that adapts to the need for export-led economic growth. Industrialization centered on light industry, which started in the mid-1960s, absorbed the labor force that existed in the rural areas and commodified them, thereby creating a momentum for Korean society to get out of poverty. However, the public de-commodification, ie social security system, adapted to the commodification of the labor force has been institutionalized only in a very limited area and people. Indeed, the de-commodification system was confined to the area directly linked to the reproduction of the labor force. Even so, the target was very limited in the abundance of labor in rural areas. Compulsory medical insurance was rejected because of corporate burden, and industrial accidents insurance was introduced centering on large-scale workplaces. As the Korean economy began to move from the light industry to the heavy industry in the 1970s, the commodificated labor force changed from a low skilled labor force to a skilled male labor force. It is at this time that dual structures have begun to be created between workers employed in export-oriented large enterprises and workers employed in domestic-oriented SMEs. Therefore, the system of de-commodification that supports the reproduction of labor power in response to social risks has also been institutionalized centering on large-scale workplaces.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.192-210
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• 2011

This paper attempts to analyze the Park regime's labor control strategy. Specifically, the research questions are twofold: (i) what strategy was it the Park regime adopted? and (ii) why did the Park regime adopt it? According to the analysis, the Park regime chose a mixed strategy based on state corporatism in the 1960s, while adopting a market mechanism strategy in the 1970s. The former tried to control unions by a state-created worker organization with the market, and the latter attempted to weaken unions as bargaining agent to a maximum extent by using market mechanism. The basic reason why the Park regime changed its labor control strategy was complex, (i) appearance of the unstable political ad economic signals and (ii) the ineffectiveness of the labor control strategy in the 1960s.