• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.228
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• pp.27-27
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• 1998

한국사회 민주주의론을 다룬 두 권의 책은 80년대 후반 시작된 민주주의 논의의 연장선상에 서 있다는 점에서 공통적이다. 앞의 책이 '민주주의 공고화' 단계에 진입했는지 여부를 중점적으로 다뤘다면 뒤의 책은 참여민주주의에 대한 본격적인 저작이다.

• Journal of the Korean BIBLIA Society for library and Information Science
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.137-158
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• 2023

In the modern digitized data society, there is a growing emphasis on securing trustworthiness and fairness in data utilization, along with data openness. By defining the concept of data democracy from various perspectives and presenting elements of normative values, this study aims to provide a basic conceptual framework to identify and evaluate the data governance system and levels of data democracy. As a foundation for the discussion of data democracy, based on Kneuer's (2016) conceptualization of e-democracy, free and equitable access, e-participation, and e-government were introduced as core dimensions of e-democracy. To improve the quality of data governance and foster a better understanding and practical application of the concept of data democracy, this study takes a normative approach from the perspective of democracy. Inclusiveness, equity, participation, and democratic sovereignty are provided as core dimensions of data democracy. This study highlights the significance of data literacy in promoting data democracy. It proposes the creation and assessment of a curriculum rooted in the normative principles of data democracy within the field of library and information science for future investigation.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.119
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• pp.1-33
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• 2017

This article explore the relation between meritocracy and democracy in the context of South-Korea's confucian modernity. It starts with the confirmation that South-Korea's confucian-meritocratic tradition has positive influence on democracy, in similar way as in the western countries where meritocracy was as a basis for democracy evaluated. But meritocracy has not always the positive implication for democracy. This article shows that meritocracy is in its essence 'an ideology of the betrayal' which destroy the basis of democracy through producing and justifying extreme socio-economic inequalities between citizens. But the long confucian-meritocratic tradition of East Asia makes meritocracy ideology attractive for the people, so even the temptation of the 'political meritocracy' is strong, as we see in Singapore and China. This article argues that the political meritocracy cannot be the alternative of democracy, seeks the different way to overcome the crisis of democracy than meritocracy indicate. Finally, it discusses shortly which implications this sort of relation between meritocracy and democracy for the future of South-Korean democracy can have.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.4
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• pp.137-162
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• 2007

In democracy basic rights such as political equality and participation through elections have been respected, opportunities of corporation and opposition have been guaranteed, and ability of self-learning and self-correction have been developed. These positive factors give preconditions for the welfare development in the democratic state. Because in this state adults get the suffrage and the open competition for official positions induces political parties use social policies as means to win the election. That is to say, political parties have an incentive to use various social policies to win the election. Democracy, therefore, has affinity with social policy. The affinity between democracy and social policy can be found also in Korea which was democratized in 1987. But, in Korea, the positive relationship between democracy and social policy is very weak due to the problem of constitutional structures. Korean Parliament usually enacts abstract social act and delegates the right to fill concrete contents of the social acts to the executive. Delegation itself has no problem, but excessive delegation is a problem since the executive can overuse its discretion as sacrificing the social rights of the citizen. In addition social consensus could not be achieved in this constitutional structures, which are a obstacle to establishing a political process in the Parliament to promote the welfare development through party competition. Excessive delegation should be reduced, and the Parliament should fill concrete contents of the social acts as exercising its legislative power more. Then a mechanism of welfare development can be launched in Korea.

• 사회경제평론
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.107-145
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• 2018

This paper presents that in the Russian Revolution 1) socialist and alternative democratic conceptions between Marx and Lenin are very different, 2) the process and cause of failure of realizing Lenin's democratic alternative conception, 3) the interactive expansion process of the party and the state, 4) the failing process of socialist original accumulation, collectivization, and constructing planned economy. This shows that Russia could not help fail to transit to socialist society due to the combination of wrong conceptions and that new revolution and construction should combine right socialist and democratic conceptions.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.7-28
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• 2017

This paper argues that media criticism should be reestablished as an academic movement leading to the maintenance and maturity of democracy. Korean democracy has been withdrawn both procedurally and practically. However, the Korean media do not properly monitor democratic retreat. The purpose of journalism is to provide people with the information they need to be free and self-governed, and the public sphere is a condition of deliberative democracy. This paper proposed three practical strategies for media criticism. First, it is the overcoming of the conservative-progressive frame. It is important to look at what kind of media is responsible for democratic retreat. Second, media criticism should be expanded on workers and capitalists. Korea's labor relations are as distorted as the public sphere. Korean journalism did not set agenda for labor relations. Most reports were 'capitalist bias'. Finally, Media criticism should be the empowerment of the people who are the sovereigns of the media.

• Korean Educational Research Journal
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.189-210
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• 2018

This paper begins with the notion of 'pick-me generation', which refers to today's young generation in Korea. It is named after the title of a song introduced at the Television programme for the competitive audition for girl-group singers. This name gives an idea of the atmosphere of the competition that the current young generation experiences in South Korea. In parallel to it, the research examines the meaning of freedom and choice in democratic education in Oh Chunsuck, in his later work in particular. This paper attempts to demonstrate the possibility to relate Oh's notion of freedom and democracy in relation to Han who critically analyses contemporary discourses on neo-liberalism and democracy. This paper re-views Oh's ideals of democracy and education within its own limitations on freedom. The argument extends Oh's idea of freedom and ethical democracy to the idea of freedom that is relevant to today's younger generation.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.37-66
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• 2017

Massive civic protests and consequent presidential impeachment requires a serious revisiting to democratic theories of Korean democracy. This paper explores the strengths and limitations of macro and micro approaches. Changes in democratic realities was manifested on three fronts. First, the rise of new political subject, that is, participants to massive protest. Second, changing nexus between representative institutions and civic protests. Third, parliamentarization of presidential democracy. Specifically macro approach has changed its negative assessment of democracy into positive evaluation. Macro theory has to revisit it's notion of 'minjung' to cope with the rise of new subject. Also macro approach has to struggle with the declining role of civic organizations and political activists. Micro approach has to deal with new mode of networking among citizens and to unravel the evolving relation between democratic institutions and civic protests. In sum, theories need to expand the analytic scope, to revitalize analytic tools and to rebalance value judgment and analytical efforts.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.161-196
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• 2018

The major object of this study is to analyze the political development of Myanmar's civilian government on the concept of defective democracy, and to investigate the main actors who delayed or stymied political development and their interrelation. In doing so, this study suggests the tasks required for political development overcoming the current political structure and behavior. The civilian government, which was launched in 2016, failed to achieve positive political development by following the behavior of military authoritarianism in terms of exercise of power and decision making structure. On the perspective of the government, delegative democracy and domain democracy have been strengthening since one person has taken over all political power and hesitate to take horizontal accountability for each power organizations. The military, which is responsible for national defence and security seeks illiberal democracy and exclusive democracy, keeping on an undemocratic constitution by the military and Burman ethnocentrism. The reasons why defective democracy has been occurred are that the lack of a group to run a democratic institutions and the limitation of power structure that fails to adhere to the principle of civilian control to the military due to long-term military rule. Therefore, there is a need for military's come back to barracks and transform the power structure to democratic of the civilian government which is tamed an authoritarian order for the political development in Myanmar. In order to achieve this, this study concludes that setting up a empowered democratic government is required.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.5-28
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• 2011

이 논문은 선진민주주의 국가의 선거경쟁에서 제시되는 정당 매니페스토 자료와 사회정책 자료를 사용하여 국가별 정당 간 입장의 차이, 정부당파성과 복지국가의 관계, 그리고 복지국가 이슈에 관한 정당양극화의 문제에 대해 경험적 분석을 제시한다. 이 논문의 분석이 제시하는 바는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 선진민주주의 국가의 주요 좌우파 정당 간 사회정책 입장의 차이는 국가별로 편차를 보인다. 복지국가 이슈와 관련한 정당양극화의 정도는 기존 복지국가 체계의 특성, 선거제도, 또는 선거경쟁에서 나타나는 복지국가 이슈의 유형에 따라 다른 것으로 보인다. 둘째, 집권정당의 당파성이 복지국가에 미치는 영향을 확인할 수 있다. 셋째, 정당이 복지국가에 미치는 영향이 제한적이거나 혹은 제도적 맥락에 조건지어진다는 점을 고려할 필요가 있다. 어쩌면 정당 및 정부당파성이 복지국가에 미치는 영향은 협의제 민주주의(consensus democracies) 유형의 국가들보다는 다수제 민주주의(majoritarian democracies) 유형의 국가들에서 더 뚜렷하게 나타나는 것인지도 모른다. 넷째, 정당의 정책입장의 변화는 경쟁하는 주요정당의 정책변화에 영향을 받기도 한다. 또한 이슈유형에 따라 위치이슈와 합의이슈로 구분할 수 있는데, 각 국가별 선거경쟁과 복지국가 논의는 다양한 형태를 가지면서 진행된다.