• Journal of the Korean Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry
• /
• v.12 no.1
• /
• pp.94-102
• /
• 2001

Bullying has recently become a serious social problem in Korean society. Bullying, which is defined as a phenomenon that one particular student is intensively and continuously harassed or ostracized by a group of students, is apt to produce harmful effects on bullies as well as victims. Bullying has many causes including those originated from the personality of victims and bullies. This study is designed to investigate the difference in personality trait between victims, bullies, victims/bullies, and neither. The subjects of this study were 215(115 male and 100 female) 6th-grade students in the primary school in Seoul. Questionnares were distributed to the students and their carers. The student carers were also asked to answer the questions for a survey called the Korean Personality Invertory for Children(KPI-C). SPSS was used for the statistical analysis of the collected test information；ANOVA, post hoc scheffe test, and T-test were used to analyze the differences between the tested groups. The result of the study is as follows. 1) The victims, bullies, victims/bullies and neither totaled respectively 11(5.1%), 56(26.0%), 11(5.1%) and 137(63.7%). 115 were male and 100 were female. 2) The frequency of victimized is as follows：1 time is 15(7.0%), 2 times is 4(1.9%) and more than 3 times is 3(1.4%). The frequency of bullying is as follows；1 time is 40(18.6%), 2 times is 17 (7.9%) and more than 3 times is 10(4.7%). 3) The differences between froups in KPI-C test is as follows. (1) The ESR(p=.00) scale was significantly lower in the victims group than in the neither group and the HPR(p=.00) scale and PSY(p<.01) scale were significantly higher in the former than in the latter. (2) The ESR(p=.00) scale was significantly lower in the victims/bullies group than in the neither group and the SOM(p=.00) scale and HPR(p=.00) scale were significantly higher in the formaer than in the latter. (3) The SOC(p=.00) scale, PSY(p<.01) scale and AUT(p=.00) scale were significantly higher in the victims group than in the bullies group. (4) There is statistically no difference between the bullies group and the neither group. To conclusion, Victims need to learn how to cope with harsh situations, or they will have to face difficulties in relationships. Even after they experience bullying, they may not realize why they have been bullied, or speak out for themselves.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
• /
• v.43 no.1
• /
• pp.249-273
• /
• 2012

Certain professionals face repeated exposure to traumatic events throughout their career. Although typically linked to pathological outcomes, research has identified sustained positive benefits and posttraumatic growth (PTG) as consistent posttrauma outcomes in occupational exposed to trauma. This study investigated the association of occupation, subjective psychological distress to a traumatic event, and demographic characteristics with posttraumatic growth in emergency workers (firefighters, rescue, and ambulance personnel), subway operators, and child protective service workers. The study led to the following conclusions: First, all three groups are risk groups of PTSD, especially, subway operators demonstrated the highest degree. Child protective service workers demonstrated the highest degree of PTG and emergency workers and subway operators followed respectively. Second, vicarious trauma and PTG were significantly correlated, in particular, invasion and avoidance were more highly correlated. Third, multivariate analysis revealed that occupation, invasion, avoidance, religion, and sex were significantly associated with PTG. Discussion addresses the need to serve mental health service and to apply concept of PTG for occupations exposed to trauma.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.32 no.2
• /
• pp.134-147
• /
• 2014

The purpose of this study is, focusing on the ancient paintings and literatures, by examining Flowering Plants and drawing their cultivating methods, to provide a ground of utilizing them on the modern landscaping. In the scope and method of this study, 766 pieces of ancient paintings(6 garden paintings and 760 folk paintings) which were available and had value as literatures, and 8 of ancient literatures were intensively examined. Main results extracted from them are as follows. First, the most frequently used Flowering Plants in Joseon Dynasty were Prunus mume, pbyllostachys, Nelumbo nucifera, Chrysanthemum morifolium, Musa basjoo, Rosa spp., Rhododendron mucronulatum, Paeonia lactiflora, which appeared 11 times to 16 times in total. Next frequently(4 times to 8 times) used Flowering Plants were Gardenia jasminoides, Punica granatum(8 times), Dianthus chinensis, Vitis vinifera(7 times), Orchidaceae, Syringa velutina, Impatiens balsamina, Hemerocallis fulva, Celosia cristata, Hibiscus Syriacus, Rhododendron indicum(6 times), Rhododendron, Rhododendron obutusum, Acorus calamus, Althaea rosea, Kerria japonica, Citrus junos(5 times), Hibiscus mutabilis, Lychnis cognata, Calendula officnalis, Begonia rex., Helianthus annuus, Papaver spp., Narcissus tazetta, Daphne odora, Hosta plantaginea(4 times). Second, usage of the Flowering Plants in Joseon Dynasty can be divided into character building and horticulture for pleasure through positive, scientific approach attempt. It suggests that there might have been classes in the use of them and we can estimate which plants were particularly preferred. Third, in the symbolicity of the usage of Flowering Plants, it can be divided into three parts: The case of representing integrity, gentleman, honesty and nobility and the thought of loyalty and filial piety under the influence of Confucianism. The case of representing Taoism's thought of hermit and perennial youth and long life. The case of representing wish on wealth and prosperity. So if we make a good use of it, we may draw a meaning of cultivation of Flowering Plants from it. This is your target audience or the good luck to all he plants is aimed at, you can see the occurred. Fourth, the Joseon Dynasty was the use of flowering plants are the line of rain wanted to be more consistent with the spirit world. This is shown as a symbol of their ancestors. Joseon Dynasty was used, resulting in a kind of flowering plant and is not a subjective judgement criteria A psychological approach to the side when interpreting the Joseon Dynasty flowering plants to take advantage of the landscape of the area will widen in scope.

• Archives of design research
• /
• v.17 no.4
• /
• pp.169-176
• /
• 2004

It is incontestable that the essence of the current fever of well-being is pseudo-ideology, which is the commercialized well-being. Nevertheless, the potential value as the cultural contests of Korean Design, reaching the philosophy of well-being, must not be overlooked. Being more than its dictionary meaning of 'happiness' and 'welfare', well-being aims peace of mind and richness in mentality, thus supports the life style of 'Body-Mind Monism'. As a trend that has taken a ride on the consumerism, it is inevitable to excavate the benign cultural value that an ordinary sign of well-being lacks in order to create a peculiar model of Korea's design contents by sublimating the commodity aesthetic of well-being into an alternative argument possessing the cultural identity of Korea. Well-being, not much different form an attitude of following the 'ways of nature', is a typical model of non-dualistic thinking of East Asia. By tracing back to the indication of well-being that already existed in the non-dualistic thought and design of East Asia, the genealogy connecting the current phenomena of well-being to the Body-Mind Monism can be found in the cultural traditions of as close as Korea and as far as East Asia. In the case of adopting the monistic way of East Asian thinking that sees body and mind as one not two as the theoretical background of well-being imported fro the West, it is expected to provide a solution for the design discourse of Korea to be out of colonialism. Well-being contributes to the monistic awareness in the period of self-reflected modernization, which needs to search new values based on the reconsideration of dualistic paradigm centered on the Western culture, thus it is worth putting anticipation on the potential significance well-being would have in the field of national as well as international design world.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.29
• /
• pp.33-54
• /
• 2010

Woodam(愚潭) Jeong Si-han(丁時翰, 1625-1707) played an important role in the formation and development of the Toegye School. This writing explores the way Woodam understood the thought of Toegye(退溪, 1501-1570) as presented in The Book of Four-Seve Demonstration(四七辨證) The 17th century that Woodam lived in was the period in which monism and dualism coexisted. Woodam's understanding of Toegye's thought can be summarized as follows: 1) Woodam followed Toegye's li(理)-qi(氣) defense and his view on the origin of nature and emotion, acknowledging Toegye as the orthodox transmitter of Zhu Xi's teachings, 2) Woodam considered that the difference between the past and the contemporary teachings was simply caused by the difficulty of comprehending the character "li (principle) ". Thus he criticized Yulgok(栗谷, 1536-1584)'s claim that "that which rises is qi (material force), and that which gives rise to qi is li," and followed instead Toegye's views of the entivity, dynamism, and ultimacy of li and its substantial function. Yet, Woodam further developed Toegye's thought and asserted that "in the midst of the marvelous unity of li and qi, li is always dominant and qi is always ancillary." 3) Woodam criticized Yulgok's thought and advocated Toegye's doctrine of the mutual motion of li and qi(理氣互發說), thereby following Toegye's insistence that difference can be observed in sameness and sameness can be observed in difference, that integrative thinking is needed to constructively embrace both analytic and synthetic judgments. In conclusion, Woodam understood profoundly and correctly Toegye's views on the relationship between li and qi and between nature and emotion, and explained them more concretely. In so doing, he endeavored to live the life by the teachings of Toegye.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.30 no.2
• /
• pp.142-154
• /
• 2012

This study aimed at learning the characteristics of place identity of the Buan county hall garden and Sangsosan(上蘇山) by looking over the pattern and content of letter-engraved rocks and nearby facilities and history. Especially, we focused on the meaning and contents of the letters in Sangsosan and a Government Office of Buan engraved on rocks in order to learn what the place means. The results of our study are as follows. Buan-hyun(扶安縣) in the Joseon dynasty period blossomed literary culture of enjoying poetry and melody, and this was faithful realization of the concept of "Rakto(樂土)" of 'Saengubuan(生居扶安).' The grand scale letters written by Si-SooPark(朴蓍壽: 1767~1876), head of the office in the early 19th century, in the cursive style on the basis stone of the garden of Buan county building, which was the site of the office of Buan-hyun in the Joseon dynasty period, such as 'Bongraedongcheon(蓬萊洞天)', 'Jurim(珠林)', and 'Okcheon(玉泉)' mean that "'Bongrae', the another name of Buan', is a place where Taoist hermits would live because the spring water of Seorim flows down to be Okcheon.", showing his pride of living Buan. The regions like Seorimjeong, Geumdae(琴臺), and Hyecheon(惠泉) where letters engraved on rocks are located intensively are closely related with those who communicated with Mae-ChangLee(李梅窓: 1573~1610), the slave of the government, and are local attractions and garden traces where the literary culture and scholar's spirit of Buan are well-harmonized. Most of the letters were written from the 19th century to the early 20th century, showing that 4 for landscapes, 8 for Kyungseck(景色: imaginary scenry), 5 for figures, 15 for poems and 2 for others. The ratio of poems is much higher than that of poems in other regions' letters on rocks, and the keyword of the letters is Haecheon. A piece of the place identity heavily influenced by the Taois thermit ideology is revealed by the expressions of 'Bongraedongcheon', 'Sosansaho(蘇山四皓)' or 'the spring water of Haecheon' that was considered as an elixir of Taoist hermits. Seorim the forest, which had been managed after Yeon-Myeong Cho(趙然明: 1797~?), head of the office, planted trees in the 11th year of the reign of King Heonjong(1845), Seorimjeong in the forest, and rocks with engraved letters on them are proof of literary culture and the garden traces showing the characteristics and aspect of Imcheon(林泉) Garden of the office heavily influenced by the Taoist hermit ideology. Along with Naebyeon-san national park and Kyeokpo region, the center of Buan tourism, we hope that cultural heritages including rocks with engraved letters over Seorim park would become a representative cultural heritage and attraction of Buan.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.28 no.3
• /
• pp.60-71
• /
• 2010

The purpose of this paper is to provide a unified examination of apparently quite different gardens in terms of Carl Jung's psychological concepts such as Archetypes, Individualization, and a natural tendency towards balance or wholeness. In Jung's psychological framework, Archetypes are innate, universal prototypes for ideas and function as the first original models upon which all other similar persons, objects or concepts are derived, copied or patterned. Jung proposes that Individualization be achieved through a natural tendency towards balance, especially the balance between the conscious and the unconscious. This paper deals with three gardens, each of which represents a distinct cultural region: Bu-Yong Ji(芙蓉池) at the Changdeok Palace(Oriental), the Patio of the Lions at the Alhambra(Islamic), and the Fountain of Apollo at the Versailles Palace(Western). It is argued that all of three have in common a natural tendency towards balance and symbolize mandala, the archetype of wholeness. Bu-Yong Ji is in the form of quadrangle which embodies Yin and Yang. In the Patio of the Lions, the basin at the center and the four channels, which symbolize the waterway of the Garden of Eden and the four rivers in Paradise respectively, are constructed in the form of a quadripartite composition. The overlapped circle and rectangular shaped pond of the Fountain of Apollo also represents mandala. Symbols representing the same archetype can vary from culture to culture. This explains the differences among the three gardens with respect to specific aspects of external forms. In other words, an archetypal image can give rise to various forms in different cultures, and thus quite different mediums of design or design details may be developed. In conclusion, the three gardens give us a good example as to how an archetypal image can be expressed in different ways from culture to culture and how seemingly different design details can be analyzed in a unified way.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
• /
• no.33
• /
• pp.153-184
• /
• 2016

This study investigates the funeral rituals practiced by the Joseon Dynasty as recorded about Lee Mun Geon (1494~1567, a.k.a Mukjae), who mourned by the grave of his deceased mother, Ms. Shin (1463~1535), a woman whose family's origin was Goryeon. The study focuse on the rituals performed by Lee after his mother's death, his participation in the funeral, and his mourning specifically as an individual who has lost his parent. Reviewing Lee's mourning life beside the grave, the contents of diary belonging to a nobleman in the middle of Joseon Dynasty were studied aimsing to find out the meaning of rituals, the overall recognition accorded to death, and the filial duties that were carried out by the noblemen of the time. Although noblemen in the middle of Joseon Dynasty ceaselessly attempted to change the observance of funeral rituals through legislation, it was difficult to change the mindset of the people, who fllowed the deep-rooted traditions of long history. It must be acknowledged that the Joseon Dynasty had a different cultural background than that of China. There was a fundamental problem when they tried to adapt The Family Rituals of Zhu Xi, followed by the Chinese, to the Joseon society. Although The Family Rituals of Zhu Xi emphasized ancestral rites focusing on enshrining mortuary tablets and the importance of establishing the family shrine hundred times, noblemen in the mid-Joseon Dynasty period cared for their parents in the grave by mourning for them than by following such practice. The solemn memorial service held in front of the grave, and the annual ritual service on the death anniversary were far more important to the noblemen in the mid-Joseon Dynasty. Amid such contradictions, the noblemen accepted and performed the mourning rituals beside the grave of their parent. Human beings across the ages have always dwelt upon thoughts of the afterlife. Most people believe that they attain a state after the death of their physicalbody. If humans did not have such thoughts, they would not be bothered if death occurs on being hit by a car on the street. Thus, human beings often think of the ritual services related to death, although in different forms. Therefore, mourning by the grave of their parent held great significance among the noblemen of the Joseon Dynasty as a sign of their filial piety.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.23
• /
• pp.275-294
• /
• 2008

The specific concern of 'Xing'(形) & 'Shen'(神) theory is considering the body and the soul of human being. If either of the body and the soul including the life of human as of basic items is not existed, it may not seem to be alive. A great number of philosophers during 'Dong-Jin Northern & Southern Dynasty'(東晉南北朝) had the most active and furthest discussion throughout the history of China to study the concerns; Having a question such as "Where the body and the soul come out around us?", "What is the essence of complicated and delicate mental operation?" "Are there any relationships between the body and the soul?" and then "How do the human soul exist after death?" First, during 'Don-Jin' period as body and soul theory was based on 'Yin'(陰) and 'Yang'(陽). 'He Cheng Tian'(何承天) said that everything which was burn on earth should die because the soul couldn't stay the dead body longer. In the same age, 'Ming Fo Run'(明佛論) and 'Da Xing Run'(達性論) which denied that the soul couldn't exist forever were main topics of the discuss among the distinguished philosophers. Next, during 'Northern & Southern dynasty', body and soul theory was divided into two. First of all, body and soul of 'Heng Cun'(恒存) might be harmonized, however, that was not perfectly put together. Because, after human death, even if the body of human might be existed, the soul left elsewhere but always stayed around us. The body was the soul which meant that the soul was to the nature of the body and the body was to the usage of soul. Many philosophers insisted that nobody meant no soul according to 'Shen Bu Mie Run'(神不滅論) and 'Shen Mie Run'(神滅論) which was the main topic as an academic argument in those days. Finally, during Dong-Jin dynasty covered the significance of Body and Soul theory and analyzed the influence into the history of the history philosophy in china.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.41
• /
• pp.179-217
• /
• 2022

Concerning the differences in the tales between the Investigation of Historical Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk (hereafter, IHRPJ), as well as those which appear in Jeungsanist Thought and Daesoon Thought, previous studies view such differences as Jeungsan's intentional modification of the original intent of the narratives or as indicating differences in beliefs and values. This style of interpretation seeks to reconcile both Korean Buddhism and Jeungsanist and Daesoon Thought based on the premise that the former and the latter two exhibit differences in values. This study accepts the above view of the differences in description according to values. However, the differences between the tales of Jinmuk that appears in IHRPJ versus those in The Canonical Scripture can be approached from a new perspective, i.e., the differences that exist between literary and oral traditions; rather than only stemming from potential differences in the world views espoused by Buddhism and Daesoon Thought. These refer to the IHRPJ, which was constructed first as literary narratives in the 19th century; however, there was also folklore that had been handed down from the 18th century. As a result of examining the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok via this interpretive horizon, the contents of the IHRPJ are found to reflect the values and intentions of the intellectual class, such those held by Master Cho-ui and Kim Ki-jong, whereas oral traditions can be seen as a reflection of the hopes of the people of the late Joseon Dynasty. Jeungsan should also be interpreted as having utilized folklore in his teachings. Meanwhile, the circumstances and intentions behind publishing the IHRPJ are analyzed in the context of the text's historical background and the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism during the 16th through 19th centuries. In particular, through the Compilations of Wandang and the collection of writings of Buddhist monastics, I have evaluated that Confucianism needed to purify and correct materials according to the ideology of the times in order to promote a spirit of morality and courtesy. Likewise, Buddhist Master Cho-Ui also embellished records to benefit Buddhism and deleted oral records that could harm the reputation of Buddhism. On the other hand, when viewing Records of Shrine Renovation and existing oral traditions, it can be shown that some Jinmuk tales existed in the 18 th century which were not included in the IHRPJ. Thereby, Jeungsan's description of Jinmuk tales can be reappraised as accepting the oral secular tradition that conveyed the wishes of the people. In other words, compared to the IHRPJ, which reflects only the harmonious content of Confucianism and Buddhism due to political and social factors, The Canonical Scripture reflects oral traditions that were widespread during the late Joseon Dynasty. As evidence, it can be suggested that there are many narratives about the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok that center on Bonggok's jealousy and the murder of Jinmuk. Jeungsan aimed to encompass people of all classes according to their minds and wills rather than their political positions or statuses. Therefore, Jeungsan did not need to rewrite the narrative content that had been passed down via oral tradition. Instead he embraced those narratives as a projection of the voices of the people.