• KIPS Transactions on Computer and Communication Systems
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• v.12 no.8
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• pp.253-262
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• 2023

E-voting is a concept that includes actions such as kiosk voting at a designated place and internet voting at an unspecified place, and has emerged to alleviate the problem of consuming a lot of resources and costs when conducting offline voting. Using E-voting has many advantages over existing voting systems, such as increased efficiency in voting and ballot counting, reduced costs, increased voting rate, and reduced errors. However, centralized E-voting has not received attention in public elections and voting on corporate agendas because the results of voting cannot be trusted due to concerns about data forgery and modulation and hacking by others. In order to solve this problem, recently, by designing an E-voting system using blockchain, research has been actively conducted to supplement concepts lacking in existing E-voting, such as increasing the reliability of voting information and securing transparency. In this paper, we proposed an electronic voting system that introduced hybrid blockchain that uses public and private blockchains in convergence. A hybrid blockchain can solve the problem of slow transaction processing speed, expensive fee by using a private blockchain, and can supplement for the lack of transparency and data integrity of transactions through a public blockchain. In addition, the proposed system is implemented as BaaS to ensure the ease of type conversion and scalability of blockchain and to provide powerful computing power. BaaS is an abbreviation of Blockchain as a Service, which is one of the cloud computing technologies and means a service that provides a blockchain platform ans software through the internet. In this paper, in order to evaluate the feasibility, the proposed system and domestic and foreign electronic voting-related studies are compared and analyzed in terms of blockchain type, anonymity, verification process, smart contract, performance, and scalability.

• Survey Research
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.55-79
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• 2007

This article attempts to provide an overview of the exit polls for the 2006 local elections in Korea. The sampling method, sampling error, non-response rate, and prediction error of the exit polls are reviewed. Also, we explore the fact that the propensity to vote varies according to age and gender of voters. In terms of age and gender, the representativeness of the sample is investigated by comparing to the data released by the National Election Commission. Through this empirical research, we show that the exit poll samples are unbalanced in terms of age and this unbalance may be one of the causes of bias occurred in the prediction of the 2006 local election results. The design effects of the sample design implemented for the exit polls are also examined.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Computer Information Conference
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• 2013.01a
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• pp.201-204
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• 2013

디지털 컨텐츠의 종류와 양이 폭발적으로 증가하면서 컨텐츠 선호도 투표는 강한 파급력을 지니게 되었다. 하지만 컨텐츠 소비자가 직접 투표를 해야 하는 현재의 방법은 사람들의 투표 참여율이 저조하며, 조작 위험성이 높다는 문제점이 있다. 이에 본 논문에서는 컨텐츠 소비자의 얼굴 표정에 드러나는 감정을 인식함으로써 자동으로 컨텐츠 선호도를 추론하는 시스템을 제안한다. 본 논문에서 제안하는 시스템은 기존의 수동 컨텐츠 선호도 투표 시스템의 문제점인 컨텐츠 소비자의 부담감과 번거로움, 조작 위험성 등을 해소함으로써 보다 편리하고 효율적이며 신뢰도 높은 서비스를 제공하는 것을 목표로 한다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 컨텐츠 선호도 추론 시스템을 구축하기 위한 방법을 구체적으로 제안하고, 실험을 통하여 제안하는 시스템의 실용성과 효율성을 보인다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.60
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• pp.28-51
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• 2012

This study explored the influence of media use on the audiences' intention to vote as well as their political cynicism in 2012 General elections. I offered three research questions: Research Question 1: What is the impact of media use on the political cynicism? Research Question 2: What are the impact of political intersest, political knowledge, media malaise, political efficacy on the political cynicism? Research Question 3: What is the impact of political cynicism on vote behavior? This study analysed survey data. Based on the results of hierarchial regression analysis and path analysis(AMOS), Internet news use was found to have a significant impact on the political cynicism. But the use of newspaper, TV news were not related to political cynicism. The political efficacy decreased political cynicism effectively, The findings from this study indicate that the relationship between media use and political cynicism is contingent on many factors and that cynicism has a negligible impact on citizen participation. This study also found that persons higher in efficacy were less cynical than low in efficacy. This suggest that cynicism is not always bad thing, that it may in fact be an indication of "an interested and critical citizenry". In conclusion this study showed that we need more in-depth analyses on the relationships among attention to media use, political cynicism and voting behavior to activate political participation.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.197-221
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• 2018

The Cambodian People's Party swept all 125 assembly seats with 76.78% of the vote in 2018 general elections. The Cambodian National Rescue Party, having been dissolved by court, was excluded from the election and attempted to nullify the legitimacy of the election by demanding its supporters to boycott the election. The Cambodian People's Party launched a campaign encouraging to vote in a desperate need to thwart the boycott movement. The election then became an unprecedented kind of competition the winner of which is decided not by the percentage of the vote but by turnout. The Cambodian People's Party was the winner with the high turnout of 82.89%, securing the means to defend the legitimacy of the election. The potential supporters of the Cambodian National Rescue Party spread out with about a million voters switching to support the Cambodian People's Party. Over a half million invalid votes that unequivocally voiced opposition to the Cambodian People's Party were not sufficient to deny the legitimacy of the election. Having experienced the fierce competition in the 2013 general elections that threatened to end its rule, the Cambodian People's Party decided to secure its power in the upcoming election and executed a tactic designed to remove the rival party through legal means. Competition being removed, the Cambodian political system decayed back to hegemonic electoral authoritarianism from competitive electoral authoritarianism to which it had mad gradual progress through the general elections in the past.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.17
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• pp.37-60
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• 2001

This study attempted to demonstrate the interaction effects between attitudinal frames of nine daily newspapers and community structure in the 1994s Michigan gubernatorial election. It was theoretically guided by framing research and the self-presentation theory of social-cognition perspective and empirically tested with archival data. For the purpose of this study, content analysis of nine statewide daily newspapers was employed in order to provide data on news framing. Data on voting rates for John Engler, winner of the 1994 Michigan Gubernatorial election, in each county of Michigan were used for vote choice while Michigan census data were used for constructing an Index of community structural differentiation. The results indicated that majority compliance frames were slightly more related with vote choice in homogeneous com-unities rather than were majority compliance frames in heterogeneous communities while social identification frames tended to have an influence on vote choice in heterogeneous communities more than did social identification frames in homogeneous communities.

• Survey Research
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.33-55
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• 2010

In this study, we newly define the Total Survey Error(TSE) in exit poll and investigate the TSEs of the exit poll survey for the 18th general election of 2008 to analyse the cause of the exit poll prediction error. To explore the main cause and effect of the total survey error, the total survey error was divided by the sampling error which comes from sampling process of poll stations and the non-sampling error which comes from selecting voter and collecting responses from sampled voters in each electoral district. We consider the relationship between non-response rates and total survey error as well as non-sampling error. Also, we study the representativeness of the exit poll sample by comparing the sex/age distribution of the exit poll data and the National Election Commission poll data.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.3-19
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• 2013

Studies on the SNS political participation have covered issues of SNS effect on political participation, electoral campaigns, and the public sphere. Such issues as characteristics of SNS political participation, the characteristics of SNS users, SNS effect on the political participation, active SNS political participants, and the impact on young people's political participation, etc. have been studied in the area of political participation effect. On the election issues, SNS impact on election turnout, voting behavior, and the election results were main research topics. Finally, the research on the public sphere mainly discussed topics of quality of SNS information and social fragmentation phenomenon. What is commonly observed across all the three subjects is that the conflicting claims appear to almost all the topics. These contradictory findings are likely to occur because variables of real politics are not fully taken into account and research variables are not strictly manipulated. We can get more accurate research results in the study of SNS political participation when we conduct cross-national research reflecting the context of real politics and also designing independent variables more in detail and elaborately.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.8
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• pp.80-89
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• 2017

Television viewing affects viewers' attitudes and opinions on their political issues. Since the beginning of General Programming TV services in 2011, they are criticized of their politically biased programming. In order to investigate the effect of General Programming TV on voters' behavior, we analyzed whether or not there is a change in the voting behavior of the conservative parties among the areas with high and low TV ratings of general programming TV. Based on the result of 18th presidential election in December 2012, we could not find any difference in voting behavior on the Saenuri party among the areas with high and low ratings of general programming TV channels. However, in the 6th provincial election in June 2014, while the voting shares of the Saenuri party were higher in the areas with high ratings of TV Chosun, Channel A, and JTBC than in those areas with low ratings.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.381-395
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• 2007

After the democratization process since 1988, the national scale voting behavior in congressional elections has changed from a rural-government party and urban-opposite party connection to a political regionalism oriented pattern. In this context, the case study with provincial border regions aims to investigate possible party identification change of the region, and to find a relationship between polling score ratio and socio-political characteristics of the candidates. As a result, Yeongdong shows a strong negation to the presumed Chungcheong local party and shows a continuous party identification with the Kyungsang local party. Muju reveals a more or less weakened identification with the Jeolla local party, on the contrary, Kimcheon shows a unchanged strong identification with the Kyungsang local party. The regional neighborhood effect was verified quite partly between the subdivision districts of the border regions. With a application of linear fitting method, it is certified that voters have attached great importance to the belonging party, native place, as well as political career of the candidates as a voting criterion.