Mr. Miyazaki's heroines tend to be plucky young women who combine guileless decency with tough-mindedness. However, in his the latest film the female character often change herself into wise older women who sometimes serve as foils, sometimes as mother figures. His heroine, Sophie, starts out as a shy girl, but then a curse transforms her into 90-year-old. Her partner is Howl who supports and is supported by Sophie their mutual drawbacks. At first horrified by the change, she comes to embrace it as a liberation from anxiety, fear and self-consciousness, and discovers in herself a new zest for adventure. The castle is surely one of the most extraordinary contraptions to appear on screen recently, more ingenious in its way than the intergalactic armada. It ranges freely from place to place and is also, somehow, in several places at once, its magical front door opening onto different landscapes with the flip of a knob. It is not exactly haunted, but it is nonetheless infused with whimsical and sometimes somber spirits. Sophie, in both her incarnations, joins an impressive sisterhood of Miyazaki heroines, whose version of girl power presents a potent alternative to the mini-machismo that dominates American juvenile entertainment.
Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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v.14
no.8
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pp.49-62
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2020
Musicals are plays in which songs and dances are closely aligned with the plot development of the play, and songs and dances develop specific situations and a series of events. In particular, songs perform a fuction of causing the significant changes and emotional ventilation and amplification in the play by specifically capturing the goals and actions the characters are aiming for. This paper focuses on the song that takes on the function of the plot deployment, defines songs that embody actions and stories on stage' as 'action songs' and highlights their role and importance. Action Song is not a clearly defined or prescribed term in Musical. However, 'Action Song' is a song about how a character's desire or motivation for action, given as a 'character song' inserted at the beginning of an integrated musical play, provides a conflict that is a central event of action. In other words, 'action song' means a song that organically combines music and narrative by conveying the action on the stage as a song with lyrics. In addition, it is a song that moves the plot forward and contains a series of events or actions that are the material of the plot. This paper is intended to summarize the concept of'Action song which is not well known to us, and to lay the foundation of the stud, learned the concept, function and efficiency by the analyses of script and music of the musical . As a result, action songs accumulate and amplify tension caused by conflicts and induce the audience to immerse in their emotions. At the same time, the action song multiplies fun and interest of the play while the audience's expectation increased for the next scene after the action song and the progression of the play with single action makes the contents of the drama to be understood clearly.
Public resistance is an essential factor of the democratization process. Due to this, public resistance has been recognized as an important element in discussing the democratization of China. Recently in China, and a new era of resistance especially the agrarian resistance has been being expanded. This paper identifies trends and characteristics of that. With searching changes in the relationship between the nation and the societies in China, we will check whether democratization can be built from the whole bottom of the nation's ideology or not. It is a paradox of china's economic growth that the peasant uprising increased is a factor to the growth. The farmers' smoldering discontent exploded with rage because rural communities have been forced to sacrifice during the growth. The authoritarian party-state system in China has been faced with the limits in calming the peasant revolt down with the traditional suppression and restriction. Even though the party-state system in China has accepted farmers' dissatisfaction somewhat, and it has tried to improve its image of a benevolent government and pursued buying stability strategy, the gap between urban and rural areas has been expanded in the sustainable economic development and modernization process, therefore the authorities could not soothe the farmers' sense of alienation. Accordingly, the peasant revolt has not flickered out easily, and has been getting uncontrolled across China. Resistance characteristics of Chinese farmers have also changed. In the past, they had been sporadic and indirect ways, whereas in recent years, they have changed into organized and active ways. Of course, it is generally evaluated that the party-state system has sustained a strong social control so far. Buying stability strategy has prevented farmers' complaints from spreading to a threat to its regime, because civil societies in rural areas have still weak foundations from being formed. The party-state system, because of tensions and conflicts, will control the growing powers of civil societies in rural areas with institutionalization of interaction between the nation and the societies, and they will induce street protests to legalized struggle for a while. However, the relationship between the state and the societies has already started new rearrangement, in terms of that the conflicts between the state and rural communities have continued, and the changes of resistance ways.
This thesis is aimed at researching the formation of democracy in socialist China. Due to a sense of cultural superiority on the basis of their developed civilization, they already formed a strong cultural nationalism, which has come to firm up into "Sinocentrism" through long periods of time. However, there arose a sense of crisis due to the Western invasion after the Opium War and the intellectuals in China happened to seek the solution to rescuing their mother land from ruin; in the midst of this process, the theory of social evolution of the West was introduced and accepted. The acceptance of this theory of social evolution gradually transformed in confrontation with a logical limit that China defeated in international competition could not but be plundered by imperialism after all, but it contributed to Chinese intellectuals' forming the concept of the modern state nationalism of the West deviating from cultural Sinocentrism. After the Russian Revolution, a large number of Chinese progressive intellectuals developed their socialist movement with the recognition that Marxism was a practicable alternative to rescue China from its crisis. The Chinese Communist Party was under guidance of the Comintern from the early process of its formation, in which they emphasized the fact the national liberation struggle in colonialized countries was an indispensable element in the world communist movement under the condition of the control of the world by imperialist capital at that time and subsequently, Marxism characterized by resistant nationalism in China gained its cause. Afterwards, the People's Republic of China was established by the Chinese Communists which came to get widespread support from the Chinese through anti-imperialism &feudalism in the process of the Sino-Japanese War, and thus China equipped with a full-blown socialism system set sails. However, with the relations with the Soviet Union getting worse under the international conditions of a cold war, the development of the Chinese socialism couldn't but resort to the concentrated power of its people, which was linked to the boost of continuous patriotism of the Chinese Communists. Particularly, due to the newly-emerging contradictions after reform & opening [gig kifng], China underwent disruption; thus, as an ideology to integrate such disruptive elements, Sinocentrism based on China's cultural pride re-appeared. Recently, a very strong form of Sinocentrism has come to the fore as their superiority of traditional cultures is emphasized in China whose international position as an economic power has been raised.
This study analyzes non-standard workers' attitudes and behaviors towards standard workers' strikes using the case of a joint strike held by journalists at KBS and MBC in 2012. Tracing the process since 2008 by which a conservative government has tried to control the press and regular journalists have collectively resisted against it, we put our analytical focus on two major groups of freelance broadcast professionals: independent producers and writers in current affairs. Specifically, we examine 1) how they perceived and responded to a series of regular journalists' struggle to protect journalistic value, 2) how such perception of and response to regular journalists could be developed, and 3) how (de)solidarity could form and then deepened between freelance and regular journalists in the 2012 Media Strike. Our findings show that the ways in which regular journalists had controlled freelance journalists at work affected the relationship between class-based and occupation-based rationality freelance journalists held in their minds. Independent producers, who had developed a strong class-based rationality in response to the coercive input-output control, showed cynicism about regular journalists' strike pointing out their hypocrisy and contradiction. In contrast, freelance writers accommodated and joined the strike by regular workers in the spirit of solidarity based on occupational rationality which had developed from normative, process control. Our paper ends with theoretical and practical implications.
This article tries to compare exchange relations between welfare and dictatorship in the East Germany and the North Korea. Unlike capitalist welfare aiming at correcting market results socialist welfare has been proposed to satisfy people's basic needs, but it had operated as instrument of dictatorship. Relation between welfare and dictatorship could be distinguished as hard exchange and soft one in line with social construction of welfare. Welfare-dictatorship relation in East Germany had developed from its formation(1949-1970s), crisis(1980s) and dissolution(1989-1990). There had established hard exchange relation in which the legitimacy of dominance had debted to welfare as social rights. While crisis of the exchange relation had been modest in a form of insufficient supply of consumption goods, it was one of the elements of collapse of dictatorship, leading to the unification with West Germany. The journey of the exchange relation in North Korea can be characterized by its formation(1948-1980), crisis(1990s-2000s), and transformation(2010s). Unlike East Germany, welfare was socially constructed as gift form the ruler to the ruled, which made the combination of welfare and dictatorship loosely coupled. Although economic crisis was severe compared to East German one the rulers have succeeded maintaining dictatorial dominance by creating dual exchange relation. They separated core group and subordinated one supporting the former at the expense of the latter. They blocked out most of the people from soft exchange relation making bad use of muddling-through life style dependent on market activities. This strategy led to a 'dictatorship neutral welfare extinction'. Taking the high degree of institutionalization of newly establishing welfare-dictatorship relation into account, lives of most people are hardly expected to be improved by gift by their rulers even if North Korean economy will recover in the future.
In this paper, the transmission and the phases of the memories in the novels dealing with Vietnam War have been studied. As a research method, Aleida Assmann's memory theory which plays a role in culturoloy theory is utilized. This study shows firstly that the others' voices excluded from the official memories of Vietnam War have emerged. Vietnam War novels released after 1990s actively reflecting the others' voices transmitted fresh the cultural memories. As the stories of civilian massacre, defoliant victims, and children of mixed bloods, Lai Daihan excluded from the official memories have emerged as a main them in the Vietnam War novels, they have become resistant memories. Existence and Formality, a Vietnam War novel by Bang Hyeonsuk brings up how to remember Vietnam War. His another novel, Time to Eat Lobster shows that without the fundamental retrospect and introspection of Vietnam War, Korea can't help but have the identity of America. Secondly, this paper shows that the tragedy of Vietnam War remains as a trauma that human bodies remember. White War by Ahn Jeonghyo shows that the memory moves back to the past in the process of struggle. In the novel, Slow Bullet by Lee Daehwan the phases of demage from defoliants lead to the family's tragedy. The Red Ao Dai by O Hyeonmi shows how a Korean-Vietnamese overcomes negation of his father and win his identity. In A Sad Song in Saigon shows that a mixed blood, Sairang who suffered from the confusion of his identity and his story fell down to a romance novel because of the weakness of narrative.
has become the representative program of EBS after first airing in 2004. After seeing as a media text, this study was fulfilled on the basis of Bill Nichols' "Rhetoric" discussion, in order to analyze the structural method and social meaning of the program. As a result of the study, we were first able to see that was taking form as a documentary to make a constructive statement on current affairs related to Korean society, by mobilizing 'knowledge' related to these issues. Second, the "rhetoric" plays an important role in the program's process to generate meaning, and despite the text being relatively short, the rhetorical process undergone for the generation of meaning has been fully reflected. Moreover, the program was successfully structuring a new method of generating meaning by enthusiastically raising questions and choosing a unique method of vision mix. Third, by looking at the study's results in-depth, we can see that was creating a ideological place for open discussion, which was providing viewers with the satisfaction of overcoming our society's dominating ideology and forming new ones. In that sense, the easily accessible 'knowledge'that surrounds us holds somewhat of a political meaning. On top of that, it can be seen that the program especially, is a media text that holds a cultural political meaning, which is an important factor to consider in the Korean broadcasting industry. In conclusion, we found out that this program uses 'knowledge' to see the possibility of 'knowledge'journalism by making constructive statements through a 'rhetorical' process.
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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v.18
no.3
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pp.310-325
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2012
Human being has used place names to differentiate one place from another. Place names are the products of collective human cognition in that a place name is chosen when it successfully represents the identity of a place. In addition, place names have been changed by the competition and struggle between social agencies and the political imperatives of hegemonic groups to impose their identity on the places. Recent geographic studies on place names have focused on the social and political processes behind the change of place names. In this vein, the purpose of this study is investigating the debates on the decision of city names in the process of the administrative reorganization in mid 1990s by the lens of political geography. Residents in cities and counties tried to justify their arguments by emphasizing historical backgrounds and popularity of their names. Additionally, economic power and potential were mobilized for the political resources to win over the battle over city names. The result, however, shows that the decision of newly consolidated cities' name was mainly made by the amount of political resources, such as population and number of seats in local assemblies. Several regions tried to use city names to negotiate with counterparts. In sum, the decision of place names is the product of political competitions, and the place name becomes the symbol of territorial identity. Place names have been in the center of disputes in local politics even after the name was decided, which suggest further studies on reasonable solution to mitigate the disputes to be expected when additional reorganization of administrative districts.
The Vampire has relatively universal images in through the cultural and verbal usages. The comic Higajima and movie display the latest image of Japanese Vampire of asian mode of production. After the Meiji political reformation of 18th Century, Japanese had rapidly changed into European style in every places. However, the Higajima is denied the structural changes, it is insisted that the changing is only the skin deep and colour of hair but the structure of the society is same as feudal Japan. Asian mode of production is claimed by Karl Marx, according to him, it is before the historical developing model in Europe and it was controversial. The major character of modern Japanese history would be the change of hierarchy of king-shogun-samurai-peasant based on the regional ground. The feudal structure is changed by the Meiji reformation and Japan was rushed for the westernized country rather than the asian mode of production. However, Higajima argued that the changing is just the clothes of ruler but the democracy and individual citizenship was lost in that reformation. Vampire is cursed creature that cannot see the sun and it has not the functioned as a human organ. For human it is dead but this creature actively moves and stronger than human and much superior than human in every aspects. It is managed the feeding through the suck the human blood and power to seduction. Even it is not exist, it is quite symbolic phenomenon of cultural usage of superior entity of chain of feeding. The aim of this paper is display the symbolic code Vampire of Asian mode of production in Higajima and political struggling of Japan in actual. To search of the cultural meaning and possibility of the Korean solution of modernity.
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