• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.13 no.5
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• pp.67-75
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• 2013

South Korea suggest that the United States government should delay the date to hand over wartime operational control (OPCON). It is fixed on December 1, 2015. Typically the president's position as head of the executive authority is coming from the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. Now we should know the commander-in-chief of the nation's forces and the meaning of OPCON. The relationship between sovereignty and the commander-in-chief of the nation's forces is a little different. This is one of the efforts to enlarge the efficiency of Armed Forces. Of course, operational control is little control of the sovereign personnel, logistics, administration, discipline, organizing, training, etc. It does not control all matters. The current ROK Combined Forces Command itself is made with reference to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization(NATO). If we insist our own sovereignty is infringed because of OPCON, that claim is coated in irreparable damage to the national interest.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.5 no.3
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• pp.63-71
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• 2005

The police have a responsibility to exercise the police authority in the sphere of peril prevention. Such right may be decided at their discretion. So, as a management according to the police's discretion is based on order and compulsion, it can not help infringing the rights of the people. Therefore, the exercise of the police authority has to be accompanied by a legal management policy according to the principle of legal reservation based on the principle of constitutionalism. This study is to find proper directions of the police function through preparing reasonable plans to guarantee freedom and rights of the people at its maximum while maintaining the public peace and order.

• Proceedings of the Korean Information Science Society Conference
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• 2004.10a
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• pp.424-426
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• 2004

최근에 역할기반 접근통제와 역할계층에 관한 않은 연구가 이루어지고 있다. 이는 역할기반 접근통제 모델에서 역할계층은 역할과 접근허가권이 상속성을 이용하여 사용자에게 접근가능 여부를 결정할 수 있기 때문이다. 본 연구에서는 기존의 접근허가 방식보다 강력한 허가권한의 특성을 갖는 새로운 역할기반의 계층적 접근통제 모델을 제안하였다. 계층적 접근통제 구조는 역할의 상속성에 의해 접근허가 여부를 결정하는 새로운 기법의 역할기반 접근통제 모델이다. 본 연구는 제안된 모델이 어떻게 털러 보안등급에서 역할에 의해 접근통제가 이루어 질 수 있는지를 실험하였다. 실험의 결과는 일정하게 접근허가권이 실행되도록 역할을 할당함으로서 발생할 수 있는 문제점을 파악하였고, 그러한 문제를 어떻게 역할계층으로 해결할 수 있는지를 보였다.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.5
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• pp.291-295
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• 2022

The transition to wartime operational control during the term of office, which was the promise of the Moon Jae Inn administration, fell through. More than 70 years after it was transferred during the Korean War in 1950, the policy of converting wartime operational control has been repeatedly decided and reversed several times. This conversion of wartime operational control is a national policy directly related to our security, and it is most important to understand the determinants of the administration's conversion to wartime operational control. This paper selects two cases of adjustment of wartime operational control policy during the Lee Myung Bak administration in 2006 and 2010 during the Roh Moo Hyun administration as the subject of the study and expects to gain not only policy predictive power but also successful policy execution at the time of the two administration' policy changes.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information Security & Cryptology
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• v.20 no.6
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• pp.271-288
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• 2010

In this paper, we study the dysfunctions of cryptography as dual-use goods and national domestic encryption control policies like key recovery system and decryption order. And we examine risks of the breach of the peoples' constitutional rights like the right to privacy in these policies and analyze these policies by applying the principle of the ban on the over-restriction. Finally, we propose the direction and requirements of our national domestic encryption control policy that maintains the balance of peoples' constitutional rights and investigatory powers.

• Social Workers
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• no.9 s.41
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• pp.36-39
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• 2005

발달장애인이 지역사회의 한 구성원으로 살아간다는 것은 자신의 삶에 대한 통제권이 주어져야 한다는 것을 의미하며, 그것을 지향하도록 조력자들이 지원해주는 형태여야 한다.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.10 no.1 s.33
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• pp.189-199
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• 2005

Technology has many potential uses and changes by social context surrounding it. Therefore political implications are reflected in the internal logical system of articraft, technology. This explanation is ale to apply to the regulation technology of Internet. The empowerment of information is changeable according as which regulation technology is adopted. This paper explores the structure, principle and its social implication of regulation technology of Internet, which coincides with user empowerment of information as a case of ICRS(Internet Content Rating System).

• Journal of the Korean BIBLIA Society for library and Information Science
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.31-47
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• 2001

From the viewpoint of Information Ethics. I tried to examine the moral justification of Intellectual Property Rights in the age of the digital information society. Lockian traditional argument of property rights which is based on the value of labor and Hegelian theory of personalization, both are not enough to justify the new Intellectual Property Rights. The notions of Intellectual Property Rights are to be changed. One change is from the absolute dominion over material property to the limited dominion over intellectual property. The change from property rights to process control rights is the other. To protect these intellectual property rights, there are three possible protection devices that we might take - legal protection, technical protection and moral protection. I argued that both legal and technical protection have some limitations, so the final way to protect the IP rights is to attempt to establish the moral protection as a fundamental solution.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.7
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• pp.37-47
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• 2014

This study applies Policy Streams and Expert Group Standing Change Framework (PSECF) proposed by SangJung Park and Chan KOH to analyze the Roh's Participatory government's decision making process on the wartime Operational Control (OPCON) transition. PSECF case study's results are as follows: Strong commitments of the former president Roh Moohyun and the progressive National Security Committee (NSC) were primary drivers in the policy developing process. But military expert groups such as the Ministry of National Defense (MND) and the Joint Chiefs of Staffs (JCS) were thoroughly excluded due to their passive role against the wartime OPCON transition. After the policy resolution, the standing of expert groups changed: the standing of advocate effects, the former progressive NSC who led the wartime OPCON transition in the Roh's Participatory government, went down but the conservatives such as ROK MND and JCS improve their standing because the conservative government kicks off 8 months later from the policy decision. In conclusion, the proposed PSECF through the Roh's Participatory government's case-study is worthy as an explanatory framework for high level national policies.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.6
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• pp.153-163
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• 2011

This study analyzes the military and political factors that influenced the Participatory Government's resolution in Wartime Operational Control (OPCON) Transition. The research on key factors in OPCON transition firstly implemented literature research and then increased feasibility through additional use of AHP. The analysis results showed that there was a negative effect for Korean Peninsular Defense in the 'ROK-US Alliance Asymmetry' area, a positive effect to increase ROK-led Capability of Theater Operation in the 'ROK and U.S. Alliance Interdependence' area and a positive effect for Invocation of ROK Self-Defense Power in the 'Interests of Participatory Government's Liberal Regime' area respectively. After applying AHP, "ROK exercise of Self-defense" in the 'Interests of Participatory Government's Liberal Regime' area received the highest assessment, while the "Increasement of North Korea's Threat" in the 'ROK-US Alliance Asymmetry' area received the lowest assessment. This study is meaningful in that it analyzed the key military and political factors in the Participatory Government's resolution of Wartime OPCON Transition using AHP.