• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.43
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• pp.7-46
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• 2008

The purpose of this essay explores a critical review of the Korean critical communication studies focused on the problematic of cultural studies and political economy in 2000s. The findings are as follows; The 'consumer turn' or 'audience turn' in new revisionism modelling John Fiske's cultural studies has been interpreted not to complement but to substitute the necessary criticism of the post-authoritarian media establishment of Korea at that time, arising identity crisis of Korean cultural studies as one of the critical camp. On other side, however, some political economy studies close to the unilinear theses of orthodox marxism has been appraised to neglect the complex process and structure of media and cultural production as well. While the press war between the market-dominant dailies and some progressive dailies has given rise to a whole debate as expected in consolidating period of Korean emerging democracy, the conjucturalism as modelled by Hall's 'authoritarian populism' failed to initiate a new theo tical practice in Korea. Finally, this review essay propose the some new research issues that would converge cultural studies and political economy, modernism and postmodernism; citizenship vs 'cultural citizenship'(valuing the private identity and gender) or Habermasian public sphere vs 'cultural public sphere', the culture of production, (modern)citizen/(postmodern)consumer(recently debated in English media policy), 'differentiation' in capitalist production and 'difference' in consumer sovereignty, 21c future vision of public service broadcasting as one of the 20c institutions.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.52
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• pp.90-110
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• 2010

This study problematizes the youth‘s politico-cultural process of identification as becoming in the context of candle demonstration in Seoul, 2008. We examine their ethical subjectivity, communicative subjectivity and political subjectivity based on our analysis of depth interviews of teenage activists in the candle demonstrations. It is suggested that instead of naming the teens as the historical consequence of so-called 386 generation, or social product in the neo-liberal economic and educational conditions, we need to understand the complexities and dynamics of the youth’s practice of identity politics: subjective pain and anxiety in daily life, creation and sharing of pleasure and fun of peer group comunication are mixed into the pursuit of justice in their social activation of generation/gender politics.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.137-170
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• 2002

The present paper reviews the development of democracy in the West and Korea. The first part of the paper provide a cultural framework for understanding the development of democracy in West and Korea. In the second part of the paper, an empirical study conducted in Korea will be presented. A survey questionnaire was developed to assess respondents' conception of political participation, political efficacy, trust, leadership, and social relations and it has been administered to national stratified sample in Korea (n=1,000). The results indicate that Korean respondents support the basic ideas of liberal democracy, such as the right to vote, participate in political organization, freedom of speech, and criticize government. At the same time, Korean respondents supported collective values, such as harmonious family life, harmonious social relations, and governmental welfare programs. Although Koreans trusted close ingroup members, such as family members and friends, they were less likely to trust their colleagues and outgroup members and were not likely to trust political and governmental institutions. Moreover, Korean respondents showed a low degree of political participation and efficacy and a high degree of political alienation. As for leadership, Koreans preferred moral and strong leaders. The overall results indicate that in Korea, although the basic ideals of democracy are valued, the method of implementing these ideals is different from the West. Detailed analysis of the results and implications of the study will be presented.

• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.347-370
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• 2017

동북아시아지역에서 집단안보와 관련된 지역협력체가 형성되기 어려운 이유에는 먼저 체제와 이념이 다른 국가들 사이에서의 강한 지정학적 역학관계가 작동하고 있고, 두 번째로 개별국가 내부의 사회이념과 정치체제의 차이로 인한 이질성이 매우 강하며, 세 번째로 새롭게 형성되고 있는 미-중 관계의 대립적 구도가 군사안보적인 차원에서의 과도한 경쟁관계를 유발하고 있는 동시에, 네번째로 북한의 지속적인 핵과 미사일위협이 지역을 넘어 범세계적인 위협요인으로 작용하고 있으며, 다섯 번째로 장기간 미해결상태에 있는 도서 분쟁이 항시 관련국가들 사이에서의 과도한 민족주의적 갈등을 유발시키고, 이로 인한 적대적인 갈등관계가 지속되고 있는 점 등을 동시대적인 현실적 차원에서의 정치적 장애요인들로 규정해 볼 수 있다. 동시에 이런 현실적 차원에서의 정치적 장애요인들의 근원적인 발생요인으로도 평가될 수 있으며, 특히 동북아 개별국가들이 내세우고 있는 강력한 민족주의 성향과 과거사와 연관된 역사인식에 따른 문화적 이질성의 내면에 존재하는 낭만적 민족주의요소가 동북아 개별국가들 간의 신뢰형성과정을 강력하게 가로막고 있음을 지적할 수 있다. 19세기말에 동북아에 유래된 낭만적 민족주의에 대한 비교국가 차원에서의 심도 있는 분석과 이를 통한 절충점의 발견은, 역설적이지만, 세계 어느 지역보다도 극심한 갈등과 대립국면이 심화된 동북아지역 내의 국가들이 군사안보 및 정치경제차원에서의 보다 원활한 협력관계를 도모하기 위한 첫 단계로서의 공동의 장을 마련할 수 있는 주요한 동기가 될 수 있다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.68
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• pp.130-165
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• 2014

By exploring the works of popular culture, our research aims to demonstrate that culture and politics revolve around each other. Culture and politics are not separate but are articulated into cultural politics; the process of articulation reveals various comparable areas, including contradictions and differences. Our research pays specific attention to Japanese modernity in the eight popular manga series by Naoki Urasawa. These works seemingly value peace and brotherhood, placing themselves in opposition to the logics of the conservative right wing. After engaging in a thorough reading and re-reading, however, we found three salient themes in the deep layers of the works: first, no-nationality a-nationality; second, the relationship between Japan and the West, and representation of Asia; and third, nostalgia for Japan of the past, and transnational desire. The manga series contain the ideas of leaving Asia and entering the West and overcoming modernity. Our research findings reveal that the works of popular culture, specifically those by Naoki Urasawa, subtly expose transnational desires of Japan in tandem with the tensions in international politics between Asia and Japan.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.75
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• pp.9-42
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• 2016

This study critically examines the social and personal meanings that luxury consumption have in contemporary Korean society through understanding the consumption experiences of men in their 30s. Interviews with nine male consumers who are committed to luxury brands, especially those that produce suits, watches, fountain pens, and shoes, were conducted to collect qualitative data. We found that participants are satisfied with the whole process of luxury brand consumption including buying, using, and managing and try to consume the products for self-expression, congruent with their lifestyle and identity. Individuals have learned how to consume the luxury brand from their role models. Their consumption follows hybrid and postmodern patterns and combines luxury brand products with non-luxury one. In contemporary Korean society, using the luxury products is considered necessary to achieve some advantages in social contexts and can be also functioned as a sort of social signifier and self-help, as well as, a tool for self satisfaction or well-being.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.3-30
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• 1991

전통적(傳統的)인 좁은 경제학(經濟學)의 시각(視角)을 벗어나 여기서는 "러스킨"의 정치경제학(政治經濟學)과 "센"의 복지경제학(福祉經濟學)을 접목시킨 문화경제학(文化經濟學)의 정립(定立)을 시도하였다. 문화경제학(文化經濟學)은 인본주의(人本主義)에 입각하여 국민(國民)의 행복하고 건강한 삶을 뒷받침하는 것을 목적(目的)으로 과학(科學) 위에 서고 기술(技術)을 관리하며 일정한 수준의 도의문화(道義文化)를 필수요건으로 한 법(法)과 행위(行爲)의 시스템의 전개(展開)를 연구대상(硏究對象)으로 삼는다. 따라서 이러한 시각(視角)에서는 재화(財貨)의 소유(所有)보다 삶을 더 중요시 한다. 먼저 "러스킨"의 정치경제학(政治經濟學)과 "센"의 복지경제학(福祉經濟學)의 이론적 특징을 살펴본 후 삶의 질(質)을 향상시키는 데 있어서 법질서(法秩序)와 행위(行爲)와 수용능력(受容能力)과 도의문화(道義文化)의 중요성(重要性)을 부각시킨 후, 이러한 이론적(理論的) 시각(視角)을 우리나라의 대중교통생활(大衆交通生活)에 적용하여 구체적으로 대중교통망(大衆交通網)의 과학성(科學性), 교통질서(交通秩序)와 운전행위(運轉行爲), 그 사회적(社會的) 비용(費用)과 그 분담(分擔), 교통(交通)서비스의 수용능력(受容能力) 등 문화경제학적(文化經濟學的) 과제(課題)를 제기(提起)하였다. 이러한 예시적(例示的) 과제(課題)는 우리의 교통생활(交通生活)뿐만 아니라 정치(政治), 경제(經濟), 사회(社會), 언론(言論), 문화(文化) 등 모든 분야(分野)에 있어서 정도의 차이는 있으나 유사한 문제점(問題點)을 안고 있을 것으로 예상(豫想)된다. 여기서 대응방향(對應方向)으로서 제시된 경제사회질서(經濟社會秩序)의 확립(確立), 사회적(社會的) 보상체계(報償體系)의 합리화(合理化), 수용능력(受容能力)의 순화(淳化)와 배양(培養), 도의문화(道義文化)의 함양(涵養) 등은 결코 새로운 것은 아니지만 문화경제학(文化經濟學)의 시각이 도입되어야 이러한 대응(對應)이 경제학(經濟學)의 틀에 수용(收容)될 수 있으며 이러한 시각(視角)의 원용(援用)은 우리 경제(經濟)가 당면한 경제적(經濟的) 난제(難題)들을 근본적(根本的)으로 해결하는 데 새로운 접근(接近)의 모색을 가능케 할 것으로 생각된다.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.184-201
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• 2020

After the liberation of Korea from Japanese colonialism, archeology in South and North Korea took different paths. In particular, archeology in South and North Korea began to show great differences from the 1970s, when the former experienced rapid academic advancement following the evacuation of large-scale relics and the latter began to demonstrate a drastically political nature. North Korea declared 'Daedonggang Culture' in the 1990s, and South and North Korean archeology subsequently became so divorced that the two shared almost no common ideas. This kind of discrepancy is now particularly prominent with regard to the Bronze Age and Iron Age around "Gojoseon". Researchers of prehistoric archeology in South Korea have no choice but to keep referring to North Korean archeology. This is because North Korean resources are the main research subjects for identifying "the origin and descent of culture", which is still one of the most important research topics. However, people cast doubt on their reliability. Such a "two-fold viewpoint" demonstrates how those associated with South Korean archeology perceive their counterparts in North Korea. A large part of the visible "gap" between South and North Korea in terms of Bronze Age archeology comes from "political difference" that cannot be resolved by an increase in survey cases or academic debate. However, examining the trend in prehistoric archeology in North Korea is not aimed at criticizing the political nature of North Korean archeology. The goal is to investigate how the North Korean perspective on the Bronze Age differs from that in South Korea at present and to examine the potential problems in explaining "prehistoric culture in the Korean peninsula" and, furthermore, prehistoric culture in Northeast Asia, by including North Korean resources. This paper examines how Bronze Age-related research trends have evolved in North Korea to date and compares them with those seen in South Korean archeology during the same period.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.141-177
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• 2019

This paper explains cross-national variation of CPI(corruption perception index) centering on legal culture. By critically reviewing previous researches on effects of British common law system on corruption, we define legal culture as citizens' perception of their legal system. Specifically, measuring legal culture with respect to courts fairness and courts accessibility, we test two hypotheses on effects of legal culture on corruption. A cross-national comparison of 78 countries with OLS regression analyses reveals that courts fairness tends to lower the level of corruption while courts accessibility does not have a significant effect on corruption. Based on this result, we suggest policy implications for judicial reform as well as anti-corruption measure, which puts more emphasis on reforming legal practice that hinders courts fairness than increasing legal service supply. In addition, as the essence of legal culture lies in citizens' shared perception of the legal system, we argue that a broad and solid citizens' consciousness of fair and equitable legal procedures is indispensable in preventing corruption.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.502-523
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• 2010

A federal system speaks for a political system that the principle of the common sovereignty among the local governments is applied. The basic purpose of the system is to make institutional devices capable of striving for the mutual cooperation in a greater political unit, reflecting a minority race's right and demand by decentralizing a state authority into the individual region. The basic purpose for formation of a federal system is realized when a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has a autonomous nature by the subject of a federal structure. During from B.Yeltsin to V.Putin, a form for the supplement of political elite personnels into the local governments has changed by a political purpose of a central government, In company with this change, the character of federalism in Russia has been also changed. Accordingly, this study has treated a subject about how the political elite personnels of local assembly men, governors of a state, assemblymen of both Houses, and the president of Russia are suppled, and also how such a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has changed the character of federalism in Russia.