• Proceedings of the KOR-BRONCHOESO Conference
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• 1972.03a
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• pp.5-6
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• 1972

Noise and air pollution, which accompany the development of industry and the increase of population, contribute to the deterioration of urban environment. The air pollution level of Seoul has gradually increased and the city residents are suffering from a high pollution of noise. If no measures were taken against pollution, the amount of emission of pollutant into air would be 36.7 thousand tons per year per square kilometer in 1975, three times more than that of 1970, and it would be the same level as that of United States in 1968. The main sources of air pollution in Seoul are the exhaust has from vehicles and the combustion of bunker-C oil for heating purpose. Thus, it is urgent that an exhaust gas cleaner should be instaled to every car and the fuel substituted by less sulfur-contained-oil to prevent the pollution. Transportation noise (vehicular noise and train noise) is the main component of urban noise problem. The average noise level in downtown area is about 75㏈ with maximum of 85㏈ and the vehicular homing was checked 100㏈ up and down. Therefore, the reduction of the number of bus-stop the strict regulation of homing in downtown area and a better maintenance of car should be an effective measures against noise pollution in urban areas. Within the distance of 200 metres from railroad, the train noise exceeds the limit specified by the pollution control law in Korea. Especially, the level of noise and steam-whistle of train as measured by the ISO evaluation can adversely affect the community activities of residents. To prevent environmental destruction, many developed countries have taken more positive action against worsening pollution and such an action is now urgently required in this country.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.891-908
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• 2009

This study was performed to investigate the dietary habits, body weight satisfaction and eating disorder tendencies of female university students in Kyungnam province. Anthropometric measurements, dietary habits, body weight satisfaction, food preferences, disordered eating, and nutrient intakes were assessed in 132 female students at Kaya University. The results were analyzed with $x^2$- and ANOVA tests using the SPSS package program. The average age of the subjects was 20.1 years and average body mass index (BMI) were $21.1\;kg/m^2$. According to BMI, the percentages of students who were underweight, normal weight and overweight by BMI were 21.2, 55.3, and 23.5, respectively. Duration of exercise was significantly different by BMI. Index scores for a mini dietary assessment were significantly higher in the normal and overweight groups than in the underweight group. Scores for sweet, salty, and meat preferences were highest and scores for bean and vegetable preferences were lowest, in the underweight group. Satisfaction for present body weight was lowest, and self-perception of body image and weight control experiences were highest in the overweight group. All subjects in the overweight group wanted to be slim, and those in the normal and underweight groups, preferred to be more slim despite their current body weight being in the normal or below normal range. The percentage of the subjects who were at risk for eating disorders (based on scores from the Eating Attitude Test-26, EAT-$26{\geqq}20$) was 11.3%. Scores for EAT-26 were higher in the overweight group than in the underweight and normal weight groups. Nutrient intakes were not different among the groups. Therefore, dietary habits, taste and food preferences, satisfaction for present body weight, and disordered eating were significantly different according to BMI. These results suggest that overweight female university students need help correcting disordered eating, and nutrition counseling should be established to aid desirable weight control methods. Those who are underweight and normal weight need help establishing proper perceptions of their normal body weight and body image as well as nutrition counseling for health.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.36 no.8
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• pp.995-1009
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• 2007

The purpose of this study was to investigate the dietary habits, behaviors, and food consumption frequency according to gender and obesity level among middle school students in the Jeonju area. Subjects for the questionnaire were 450 middle school students (male 255, female 195) and were classified as either obese students (n=150 or non-obese students (n=299) by the obesity assessment method. The results were analyzed with SAS program (Version 9.1), and were as follows. 1. Dietary behaviors were significantly different in the rate of 'Skipping breakfast (p<0.05)', 'Duration of meal time (min) (p<0.05)' and 'Unbalanced diet (p<0.01)' between males and females. Dietary habits and behaviors also differed significantly for the rate of ‘Taste preferences (p<0.05)’, and 'Unbalanced diet (p<0.01)' between obese students and non-obese students. 2. Food consumption frequency per week was as follows. First, males were significantly higher than females in 'Instant noodle (p<0.05)', 'Milk (p<0.01)', and 'Soda pop (p<0.01)'; on the other hand females were significantly higher than males in 'Chocolate, Candy (p<0.01)'. Second, non-obese students were significantly higher than obese students in 'Instant noodle (p<0.05)', 'Hamburger, Pizza (p<0.05)', and 'Chocolate, Candy (p<001)'. Especially, non-obese male students were higher in 'Instant noodle (p<0.05)' and 'Hamburger, Pizza (p<0.05)'; non-obese female students were higher in 'Chocolate, Candy (p<0.01)'. In conclusion, an action program is needed to encourage healthful dietary behaviors, increased physical activity, and forming good lifelong habits.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.22 no.6
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• pp.744-757
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• 2012

This study was designed to obtain basic data for the globalization of Korean food and the expansion of food exports through contract foodservices. A survey of dietary habits and attitudes toward school foodservices was given to students in three American international schools served by a domestic contract foodservice management company located in Seoul and Gyeonggi area. The results showed an average of three meals taken daily 3.39 times for male students and 2.95 times for female students and the time required for a meal was about 24~26 minutes. The average breakfast frequency was 5.10 times(4.59 times for male students and 5.35 times for female students) and many students reported skipping breakfast due to a lack of time. The average weekly frequency of dining out was 1.78 times(2.15 times for male students and 1.60 times for female students). In all schools, irrespective of gender and grade, students responded that a desire for snacking was 'why they want to have cookies', and snacking hours were frequently listed as 'between noon and evening'. Many also responded that an unbalanced diet is the reason some snacks are 'not to their taste'. Overall, students were highly satisfied with the foodservice menu, although there was a significant difference in what was considered proper food temperature, proper food seasoning, suitable amounts of food, and freshness of food. Male and female students were specifically highly satisfied with the 'freshness of food materials' and 'variety of menu' respectively. Overall, all students were highly satisfied with the foodservice, including the 'cleanliness of tables and trays'.

• The Korean Nurse
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• v.20 no.4 s.112
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• pp.39-49
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• 1981

기존 간호 영역 내 간호는 질적으로, 양적으로 급격히 팽창 확대되어 가고 있다. 많은 나라에서 건강관리체계가 부적절하게 분배되어 있으며 따라서 많은 사람들이 적절한 건강관리를 제공받지 못하고 있어 수준 높은 양질의 건강관리를 전체적으로 확대시키는 것이 시급하다. 혹 건강관리의 혜택을 받는다고 해도 이들 역시 보다 더 양질의 인간적인 간호를 요하고 있는 실정이다. 간호는 또한 간호영역 자체 내에서도 급격히 확대되어가고 있다. 예를들면, 미국같은 선진국가의 건강간호사(Nurse practitioner)는 간호전문직의 새로운 직종으로 건강관리체계에서 독자적인 실무자로 그 두각을 나타내고 있다. 의사의 심한 부족난으로 고심하는 발전도상에 있는 나라들에서는 간호원들에게 전통적인 간호기능 뿐 아니라 건강관리체계에서 보다 많은 역할을 수행하도록 기대하며 일선지방의 건강센터(Health center) 직종에 많은 간호원을 투입하고 있다. 가령 우리 한국정부에서 최근에 시도한 무의촌지역에서 졸업간호원들이 건강관리를 제공할 수 있도록 한 법적 조치는 이러한 구체적인 예라고 할 수 있다. 기존 간호영역내외의 이런 급격한 변화는 Melvin Toffler가 말한 대로 ''미래의 충격''을 초래하게 되었다. 따라서 이러한 역동적인 변화는 간호전문직에 대하여 몇가지 질문을 던져준다. 첫째, 미래사회에서 간호영역의 특성은 무엇인가? 둘째, 이러한 새로운 영역에서 요구되는 간호원을 길러내기 위해 간호교육자는 어떤 역할을 수행해야 하는가? 셋째 내일의 간호원을 양성하는 간호교육자를 준비시키기 위한 실질적이면서도 현실적인 전략은 무엇인가 등이다. 1. 미래사회에서 간호영역의 특성은 무엇인가? 미래의 간호원은 다음에 열거하는 여러가지 요인으로 인하여 지금까지의 것과는 판이한 환경에서 일하게 될 것이다. 1) 건강관리를 제공하는 과정에서 컴퓨터화되고 자동화된 기계 및 기구 등 새로운 기술을 많이 사용할 것이다. 2) 1차건강관리가 대부분 간호원에 의해 제공될 것이다. 3) 내일의 건강관리는 소비자 주축의 것이 될 것이다. 4) 간호영역내에 많은 새로운 전문분야들이 생길 것이다. 5) 미래의 건강관리체계는 사회적인 변화와 이의 요구에 더 민감한 반응을 하게 될 것이다. 6) 건강관리체계의 강조점이 의료진료에서 건강관리로 바뀔 것이다. 7) 건강관리체계에서의 간호원의 역할은 의료적인 진단과 치료계획의 기능에서 크게 탈피하여 병원내외에서 보다 더 독특한 실무형태로 발전될 것이다. 이러한 변화와 더불어 미래 간호영역에서 보다 효과적인 간호를 수행하기 위해 미래 간호원들은 지금까지의 간호원보다 더 광범위하고 깊은 교육과 훈련을 받아야 한다. 보다 발전된 기술환경에서 전인적인 접근을 하기위해 신체과학이나 의학뿐 아니라 행동과학 $\cdot$ 경영과학 등에 이르기까지 다양한 훈련을 받아야 할 필요가 있다. 또한 행동양상면에서 전문직인 답게 보다 진취적이고 표현적이며 자동적이고 응용과학적인 역할을 수행하도록 훈련을 받아야 한다. 그리하여 간호원은 효과적인 의사결정자$\cdot$문제해결자$\cdot$능숙한 실무자일 뿐 아니라 소비자의 건강요구를 예리하게 관찰하고 이 요구에 효과적인 존재를 발전시켜 나가는 연구자가 되어야 한다. 2. 미래의 간호교육자는 어떤 역할을 수행해야 하는가? 간호교육은 전문직으로서의 실무를 제공하기 위한 기초석이다. 이는 간호교육자야말로 미래사회에서 국민의 건강요구를 충족시키기는 능력있는 간호원을 공급하는 일에 전무해야 함을 시사해준다. 그러면 이러한 일을 달성하기 위해 간호교육자는 무엇을 해야 하는가? 우선 간호교육자는 두가지 측면에서 이 일을 수정해야 된다고 본다. 그 하나는 간호교육기관에서의 측면이고 다른 하나는 간호교육자 개인적인 측면엣서이다. 우선 간호교육기관에서 간호교육자는 1) 미래사회에서 요구되는 간호원을 교육시키기 위한 프로그램을 제공해야 한다. 2) 효과적인 교과과정의 발전과 수정보완을 계속적으로 진행시켜야 한다. 3) 잘된 교과과정에 따라 적절한 훈련을 철저히 시켜야 한다. 4) 간호교육자 자신이 미래의 예측된 현상을 오늘의 교육과정에 포함시킬 수 있는 자신감과 창의력을 가지고 모델이 되어야 한다. 5) 연구 및 학생들의 학습에 영향을 미치는 중요한 의사결정에 학생들을 참여시키도록 해야한다. 간호교육자 개인적인 측면에서는 교육자 자신들이 능력있고 신빙성있으며 간호의 이론$\cdot$실무$\cdot$연구면에 걸친 권위와 자동성$\cdot$독창성, 그리고 인간을 진정으로 이해하려는 자질을 갖추도록 계속 노력해야 한다. 3. 미래의 간호원을 양성하는 능력있는 간호교육자를 준비시키기 위한 실질적이면서도 현실적인 전략은 무엇인가? 내일의 도전을 충족시킬 수 있는 능력있는 간호교육자를 준비시키기 위한 실질적이고 현실적인 전략을 논함에 있어 우리나라의 실정을 참조하겠다. 전문직 간호교육자를 준비하는데 세가지 방법을 통해 할 수 있다고 생각한다. 첫째는 간호원 훈련수준을 전문직 실무를 수행할 수 있는 단계로 면허를 높이는 것이고, 둘째는 훈련수준을 더 향상시키기 위하여 학사 및 석사간호교육과정을 발전시키고 확대하는 것이며, 셋째는 현존하는 간호교육 프로그램의 질을 높이는 것이다. 첫째와 둘째방법은 정부의 관할이 직접 개입되는 방법이기 때문에 여기서는 생략하고 현존하는 교과과정을 발전시키고 그 질을 향상시키는 것에 대해서만 언급하고자 한다. 미래의 여러가지 도전에 부응할 수 있는 교육자를 준비시키는 교육과정의 발전을 두가지 면에서 추진시킬 수 있다고 본다. 첫째는 국제간의 교류를 통하여 idea 및 경험을 나눔으로서 교육과정의 질을 높일 수 있다. 서로 다른 나라의 간호교육자들이 정기적으로 모여 생각과 경험을 교환하고 연구하므로서 보다 체계적이고 효과적인 발전체인(chain)이 형성되는 것이다. ICN같은 국제적인 조직에 의해 이러한 모임을 시도하는 것인 가치있는 기회라고 생각한다. 국가간 또는 국제적인 간호교육자 훈련을 위한 교육과정의 교환은 한 나라안에서 그 idea를 확산시키는데 효과적인 영향을 미칠 수 있다. 충분한 간호교육전문가를 갖춘 간호교육기관이 새로운 교육과정을 개발하여 그렇지 못한 기관과의 연차적인 conference를 가지므로 확산시킬 수도 있으며 이런 방법은 경제적인 면에서도 효과적일 뿐만 아니라 그 나라 그 문화상황에 적합한 교과과정 개발에도 효과적일 수 있다. 간호교육자를 준비시키는 둘째전략은 현존간호교육자들이 간호이론과 실무$\cdot$연구를 통합하고 발전시키는데 있어서 당면하는 여러가지 요인-전인적인 간호에 적절한 과목을 이수하지 못하고 임상실무경험의 부족등-을 보충하는 방법이다. 이런 실제적인 문제를 잠정적으로 해결하기 위하여 1) 몇몇 대학에서 방학중에 계속교육 프로그램을 개발하여 현직 간호교육자들에게 필요하고 적절한 과목을 이수하도록 한다. 따라서 임상실무교육도 이때 실시할 수 있다. 2) 대학원과정 간호교육프로그램의 입학자의 자격에 2$\~$3년의 실무경험을 포함시키도록 한다. 결론적으로 교수와 학생간의 진정한 동반자관계는 자격을 구비한 능력있는 교수의 실천적인 모델을 통하여서 가능하게 이루어 질수 있다고 믿는 바이다.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.4-19
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• 2017

Kim Jeong-gi (pen-name: Changsan, Mar. 31, 1930 - Aug. 26, 2015) made a major breakthrough in the history of cultural property excavation in Korea: In 1959, he began to develop an interest in cultural heritage after starting work as an employee of the National Museum of Korea. For about thirty years until he retired from the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage in 1987, he devoted his life to the excavation of our country's historical relics and artifacts and compiled countless data about them. He continued striving to identify the unique value and meaning of our cultural heritage in universities and excavation organizations until he passed away in 2015. Changsan spearheaded all of Korea's monumental archeological excavations and research. He is widely known at home and abroad as a scholar of Korean archeology, particularly in the early years of its existence as an academic discipline. As such, he has had a considerable influence on the development of Korean archeology. Although his multiple activities and roles are meaningful in terms of the country's archaeological history, there are limits to his contributions nevertheless. The Deoksugung Palace period (1955-1972), when the National Museum of Korea was situated in Deoksugung Palace, is considered to be a time of great significance for Korean archeology, as relics with diverse characteristics were researched during this period. Changsan actively participated in archeological surveys of prehistoric shell mounds and dwellings, conducted surveys of historical relics, measured many historical sites, and took charge of photographing and drawing such relics. He put to good use all the excavation techniques that he had learned in Japan, while his countrywide archaeological surveys are highly regarded in terms of academic history as well. What particularly sets his perspectives apart in archaeological terms is the fact that he raised the possibility of underwater tombs in ancient times, and also coined the term "Haemi Culture" as part of a theory of local culture aimed at furthering understanding of Bronze Age cultures in Korea. His input was simply breathtaking. In 1969, the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage (NRICH) was founded and Changsan was appointed as its head. Despite the many difficulties he faced in running the institute with limited financial and human resources, he gave everything he had to research and field studies of the brilliant cultural heritages that Korea has preserved for so long. Changsan succeeded in restoring Bulguksa Temple, and followed this up with the successful excavation of the Cheonmachong Tomb and the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb in Gyeongju. He then explored the Hwangnyongsa Temple site, Bunhwangsa Temple, and the Mireuksa Temple site in order to systematically evaluate the Buddhist culture and structures of the Three Kingdoms Period. We can safely say that the large excavation projects that he organized and carried out at that time not only laid the foundations for Korean archeology but also made significant contributions to studies in related fields. Above all, in terms of the developmental process of Korean archeology, the achievements he generated with his exceptional passion during the period are almost too numerous to mention, but they include his systematization of various excavation methods, cultivation of archaeologists, popularization of archeological excavations, formalization of survey records, and promotion of data disclosure. On the other hand, although this "Excavation King" devoted himself to excavations, kept precise records, and paid keen attention to every detail, he failed to overcome the limitations of his era in the process of defining the nature of cultural remains and interpreting historical sites and structures. Despite his many roles in Korean archeology, the fact that he left behind a controversy over the identity of the occupant of the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb remains a sore spot in his otherwise perfect reputation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.39
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• pp.95-130
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• 2006

Japanese government college researchers, including Sekino Tadashi(關野貞), have conducted research studies and collected data, on overall Korean cultural relics as well as Silla tumuli(新羅古墳) in the early modern times under the Japanese imperialistic rule. They were supported by the Meichi government in the early stage of research, by the Chosun government-general, and by their related organizations after Korea was coIonialized to carry out investigations on Korean antiquities, fine arts, architecture, anthropology, folklore, and so on. The objective for which they prosecuted inquiries into Korean cultural relics, including Silla tumuli, may be attributed to the purport to find out such data as needed for the theoretical foundation to justify their colonialization of Korea. Such a reason often showed locally biased or distorted views. Investigations and surveys had been incessantly carried out by those Japanese scholars who took a keen interest in Korean tumuli and excavated relics since 1886. 'Korea Architecture Survey Reports' conducted in 1904 by Sekino in Korea gives a brief introduction of the contents of Korean tumuli, including the Five Royal Mausoleums(五陵). And in 1906 Imanishi Ryu(今西龍) launched for the first time an excavation survey on Buksan Tumulus(北山古墳) in Sogeumgangsan(小金剛山) and on 'Namchong(南塚)' in Hwangnam-dong, which greatly contributed to the foundation of a basic understanding of Wooden chamber tombs with stone mound(積石木槨墳) and stone chambers with tunnel entrance(橫穴式石室墳). The ground plan and cross section of stone chambers made in 1909 at his excavation survey of seokchimchong(石枕塚) by Yazui Seiyichi(谷井第一) who majored in architecture made a drawing in excavation surveys for the first time in Korea, in which numerical expressions are sharply distinguished from the previous sketched ones. And even in the following excavation surveys this kind of drawing continued. Imanishi and Yazui elucidated that wooden chambers with stone mound chronologically differs from the stone chambers with tunnel entrance on the basis of the results of surveys of the locational characteristics of Silla tumuli, the forms and size of tomb entrance, excavated relics, and so forth. The government-general put in force 'the Historic Spots and Relics Preservation Rules' and 'the Historic Spots Survey Council Regulations' in 1916, establishing 'Historic Spots Survey Council and Museum Conference. When museums initiated their activities, they exhibited those relics excavated from tumuli and conducted surveys of relics with the permission of the Chosun government-general. A gold crown tomb(金冠塚) was excavated and surveyed in 1921 and a seobong tomb(瑞鳳塚) in 1927. Concomitantly with this large size wooden chamber tombs with stone mound attracted strong public attention. Furthermore, a variety of surveys of spots throughout the country were carried out but publication of tumuli had not yet been realized. Recently some researchers's endeavors led to publish unpublished reports. However, the reason why reports of such significant tumuli as seobong tomb had not yet been published may be ascribed to the critical point in those days. The Gyeongju Tumuli Distribution Chart made by Nomori Ken(野守健) on the basis of the land register in the late 1920s seems of much significance in that it specifies the size and locations of 155 tumuli and shows the overall shape of tumuli groups within the city, as used in today's distribution chart. In the 1930s Arimitsu Kyoichi(有光敎一) and Saito Tadashi(齋藤忠) identified through excavation surveys of many wooden chamber tombs with stone mound and stone chambers with tunnel entrance, that there were several forms of tombs in a tomb system. In particular, his excavation survey experience of those wooden chamber tombs with stone mound which were exposed in complicated and overlapped forms show features more developed than that of preceding excavation surveys and reports publication, and so on. The result of having reviewed the contents of many historic spots surveyed at that time. Therefore this reexamination is considered to be a significant project in arranging the history of archaeology in Korea.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.48 no.6
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• pp.476-487
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• 2015

Purpose: This study was conducted to examine the concentration of nutrients in transitional breast milk from Korean lactating mothers and to evaluate daily intakes of their infants based on the Dietary Reference Intakes for Koreans 2010 (KDRIs 2010). Methods: Breast milk samples were collected at 5~15 days postpartum from 100 healthy lactating Korean mothers. Macro- and micro-nutrients, and immunoglobulin (Igs) concentrations in breast milk were analyzed. Results: The mean energy, protein, fat, and carbohydrate concentrations in breast milk were $59.99{\pm}8.01kcal/dL$, $1.47{\pm}0.27g/dL$, $2.88{\pm}0.89g/dL$, and $6.72{\pm}0.22g/dL$. The mean linoleic acid (LA), a-linolenic acid (ALA), arachidonic acid (AA), and docosahexaenoic acid (DHA) concentrations were $181.44{\pm}96.41mg/dL$, $28.15{\pm}8.89mg/dL$, $5.67{\pm}1.86mg/dL$, and $5.74{\pm}2.57mg/dL$. The mean vitamin A, vitamin D, vitamin E, vitamin $B_1$, vitamin $B_2$, vitamin $B_{12}$, and folate concentrations were $2.75{\pm}1.75{\mu}g/dL$, $2.31{\pm}1.12ng/dL$, $0.74{\pm}1.54mg/dL$, $3.02{\pm}1.84mg/dL$, $7.51{\pm}20.96{\mu}g/dL$, $61.78{\pm}26.78{\mu}g/dL$, $63.71{\pm}27.19ng/dL$, and $0.52{\pm}0.26{\mu}g/dL$. The mean concentrations of calcium, iron, potassium, sodium, zinc, and copper were $20.71{\pm}3.34mg/dL$, $0.59{\pm}0.86mg/dL$, $66.71{\pm}10.35mg/dL$, $27.72{\pm}10.16mg/dL$, $0.44{\pm}0.41mg/dL$, and $70.48{\pm}30.41{\mu}g/dL$. The mean IgA and total IgE concentrations were $61.85{\pm}31.97mg/dL$ and $235.00{\pm}93.00IU/dL$. The estimated daily intakes of infants for protein, vitamin D, vitamin E, vitamin $B_2$, vitamin $B_{12}$, iron, potassium, sodium, zinc, and copper were sufficient compared to KDRIs 2010 adjusted by transitory milk intakes. The estimated infants' intakes of energy, fat, carbohydrate, vitamin A, vitamin C, vitamin $B_1$, folate, and calcium did not meet KDRIs 2010 adjusted by transitory milk intakes. Conclusion: In general most estimated nutrient intakes of Korean breast-fed infants in transitory breast milk were sufficient, however some nutrient intakes were not sufficient based on KDRIs 2010. These results warrant conduct of future studies for investigation of important dietary factors associated with nutrients in breast milk to improve the quality of breast milk, which may contribute to understanding nutrition in early life and promoting growth and development of breast-fed infants.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.18-53
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• 2019

The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.