• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• v.18 no.5
• /
• pp.139-144
• /
• 2020

While networks of many countries around the world are actively connected with the establishment of ICT-based infrastructure, diplomatic activities are also evolving into various diplomatic forms that are different from traditional diplomacy before. In particular, in the process, public diplomacy activities that focus on subjects other than the government and new diplomatic areas are accelerating. This study identifies the current state of public diplomacy that has emerged as a representative type of new diplomatic style and derives policy implications for the revitalization of global governance. The analysis was attempted based on data generated mainly on the main contents of various diplomatic activities by each entity, and the future direction of public diplomacy was sought. In particular, the subject of diplomacy is becoming more diverse, and most of all, various activities are being carried out based on the world stage due to changes in diplomatic means. Most of all, they understood that all the people are playing the role of private diplomacy, and that the roles and capabilities of local governments are becoming stronger. Global governance needs to be built to revitalize public diplomacy, and support policies need to be continued by expanding the role of public diplomacy and various topics.

• Journal of Industrial Convergence
• /
• v.19 no.6
• /
• pp.1-10
• /
• 2021

This study sought ways to strengthen the competitiveness of local governments using public diplomacy, especially in Chungcheongbuk-do, at a time when it is urgent to revitalize the local economy by attracting investment from domestic and foreign companies due to changes in the global supply chain. The main issues that have recently emerged in the global business environment include strengthening the localization of the global value chain, diversifying reshoring and supply chains, and creating an efficient global value chain through digital transformation. Therefore, this study emphasized the necessity of a strategy for public diplomacy based on these changes, and derived the response conditions and detailed strategies of Chungcheongbuk-do through SWOT analysis. In addition, based on the ABCD model, we set up a Chungbuk-type public diplomacy strategy and suggested strategic implications for upgrading Chungbuk's competitiveness.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.33
• /
• pp.231-252
• /
• 2008

This study is to investigate on focus of his political position change to build up his the real form about Park je sang(朴堤上) who had taken an active part within Shila nulgi king(訥祗王) period on base of previous park je sang' study results. that is, this study took attention about excellent capability by diplomat who had shown his diplomatic ability in complicated and international fields of three countries, and about process of entrance on central political fields by private capability in sap lang(?良) district in relation with building up the real form of park je sang. As result, by means of few investigations about park je sang who had taken an active part, we looked into process how local power man in sap lang(?良) district had built up his position to jin-gol(眞骨) status with strategic location of sap lang(?良) district on shila history within Shila nulgi king period. I think that we found valuable means from figures of a district society in process how Shila had grown with a country of centralizing power.

• Environmental and Resource Economics Review
• /
• v.7 no.1
• /
• pp.119-150
• /
• 1997

1990년 동북아 23개 지역의 이산화황 총배출량은 14.7백만톤이었다. 이중 중국동북부가 81%, 한국이 12%, 일본이 5%, 그리고 북한이 2%를 배출하였다. 기본시나리오하에서 동북아지역의 이산화황 배출은 2020년에 40.5백만톤에 이를 것으로 추정되고 있다. 중국에서 배출된 장거리 월경성 대기오염물질은 한반도와 일본으로 이동하며 특히 산성강우는 중국으로부터의 이산화황 배출에 크게 영향을 받고 있다. 산성강우는 자연생태계와 농작물에 피해를 줄 뿐 아니라 인간의 건강에도 심각한 피해를 준다. 따라서 미래의 산성강우 피해를 줄이기 위해서는 자국뿐 아니라 인접국의 이산화황 및 질소산화물 배출도 함께 감소되어야 한다. 동북아지역 국가들은 경제발전단계 및 환경협력 논의에서의 우선순위가 다르기 때문에 가까운 시일내에 환경협력을 위한 다자간 협약을 체결하기는 어려울 것이다. 따라서 ESCAP, APEC 등 기존의 지역협력기구를 이용하거나 IBRD, ADB 등의 다자간 외부금융기관이나 공적개발원조 (ODA) 등을 통해 개선된 환경기준을 준수하도록 하고 지역환경개선을 위한 협력사업을 추진하는 것이 바람직하다. 또한 산성비와 관련한 동북아 환경협력은 과학적 조사를 통해 객관적이고 신뢰할만한 정보를 획득하는 것으로부터 시작하여 단계적으로 추진되어야 하며, 정치, 경제, 과학, 외교 등 여러 분야에 걸쳐 중앙정부 뿐만 아니라 지방정부와 NGO도 포함하는 다차원적, 포괄적으로 추진되어야 한다.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
• /
• v.46 no.4
• /
• pp.77-98
• /
• 2012

The purpose of this study is to analyze on the Dongsasuchangrok. The major findings are as follows: (1) Tongsinsa refers to diplomatic envoys of Joseon who were officially dispatched to Shogun. Those who participated in Tongsinsa not only produced and left many pieces of paintings and literary works in Japan, but also wrote their experience from that foreign country when they returned to Joseon. These facts indicate that Tongsinsa acted as diplomatic roles and promoted cultural exchanges between two countries. (2) Donsasuchangrok is a collection of 28 poems under 4 titles which were directly handwritten by eight people. The poems portrayed conditions of Joseon and Japan after the Imjin war and feelings of the writers. (3) Considering the implication in poems and a feature that the poems were handwritten by the authors, Dongsasuchangrok deserves to be designated and preserved as a local cultural asset.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
• /
• 2012.05a
• /
• pp.122-122
• /
• 2012

본 연구의 목적은 한국형 녹색성장 협력 모델을 기반으로 한국의 대(對) 메콩지역 진출 방안을 모색하는 것이다. 메콩 유역은 중국의 운남성 지방, 미얀마, 라오스, 태국, 캄보디아, 베트남 등 6개국이 위치하고 있는데 이 지역은 세계 경제 침체에도 불구하고 높은 경제 성장률을 달성하고 있다. 이에 따라 세계 각국이 개발사업 선점을 위한 치열한 경쟁을 벌이고 있으며 일본, 미국, 중국이 발 빠르게 영향력을 확장하고 있다. 한국은 지난해 메콩 5개국의 외교장관을 서울로 초청하여 회담을 개최하여 메콩 지역 진출의 교두보를 마련하였으나 최근 세계 각국이 메콩 지역의 개발사업 진출을 위해 적극적으로 노력하고 있는 상황에서 선진국과 차별적인 경쟁우위를 살릴 수 있는 방안의 모색이 필요하다. 따라서 본 연구는 2008년 이명박 정부가 제시한 신성장 패러다임인 녹색성장 모델과, 물관리 정책과 사업을 접목시킨 물과 녹색성장 공적개발원조 및 무나싱해(Munasinghe)의 지속가능한 경제(Sustainomics)가설을 이론적으로 고찰하여 대(對) 메콩유역 협력 방안 모델을 설계하였다. 이 지역이 급속한 경제 성장으로 전력수요가 증가하고 있고, 환경오염에 대한 우려를 잠식시키고 국가의 에너지 안보를 위해 높은 수입 석유 의존율을 낮춰야한다는 점 등을 고려해보았을 때 메콩 유역의 수력발전이 이 지역의 녹색성장을 위한 큰 동력이 될 수 있을 것으로 사료된다. 뿐만 아니라 홍수방재 효과, 전력 수출로 인한 소득 창출은 이 지역의 사회발전으로 이어질 수 있을 것으로 기대된다. 그러므로 본 연구는 자금조달 방식, 외교적 접근, 기술적 접근, 제도적 접근 방식을 제시하여 단계적으로 대(對) 메콩유역 한국형 물과 녹생성장 ODA의 나아가야 할 방향을 모색해 보았다. 제시된 협력 모델을 기반으로 점차 한국이 메콩 유역의 수력발전산업으로 진출하고 더 나아가 이지역의 영향력을 확대하는 데 큰 도움이 될 것으로 사료된다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.25 no.1
• /
• pp.45-78
• /
• 2019

This study examines the relationship between individuals' perceptions on party conflict and affective polarization. It pays particular attention to party identification as a moderating variable. Using a survey conducted in the context of the 2014 Korean local election, the present study hypothesizes that perceiving serious inter-party conflict in the political arena is likely to increase negative feelings toward out-group political party among partisans only. Not only do the results confirm our hypothesis but suggest that conflict perception leads to affective polarization among partisan voters. This paper contributes to our understanding of the mechanism that links the attribution of blame to out-group political party for legislative gridlock with ever-growing affective polarization of the electorate.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.22 no.2
• /
• pp.1-41
• /
• 2012

The peasant societies of East Asia had been challenged by capitalist plantation since colonization and by socialist collectivization since decolonization. The former was decisively weakened due to the crisis of the capitalist system in the 1930s and the collapse of the colonial order in the 1940s; The latter was thoroughly discredited due to the reform of the socialist system in the 1980s and the end of the Cold War in the 1990s. The failure of the two epochal challenges demonstrates the historical sustainability of peasant societies in East Asia. Their survival represents the universality of Northeast and Southeast Asia, which can be ascribed to the ecological environment and production process of wet-rice agriculture for their common staple food. In spite of their diverse differences, indeed, peasant societies in colonial East Asia shared profound similarities in their basic motivations (morality-rationality), central tendencies (involution - polarization), structural outcomes (dualism - pluralism), and future prospects (survival-extinction).

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.16 no.3
• /
• pp.324-337
• /
• 2010

We believe, 'Dokdo is clearly an inherent territory of Korea, in the light of geographical and historical facts', This paper aims to discuss Japanese multidimensional approach on the Issues of Dokdo(Takeshima) in the context of Territory Education. We considered the matter from various angles that supported by the ministry of Foreign affairs and the ministry of Education in national scale, as well as shimane prefecture government and municipality scale. Therefore, It is likely that the approach of territory education on Dokdo in Japan is variable and potential, and is temporary state of condensation, depends on Korea-Japan's political, economical, social, and international conditions. More studies of the new approach must be done for the new implications of Territory Education that embraces all meanings and events according to the disposition of neighbouring condition of Dokdo in world context, keeping out emotional and nationalist sympathies. The result of consideration in this paper are as follows. First, Territory Education in japan was focused on geography, history, Civil, Social Studies, compared with focusing on History in Korea. Second, It is centered on "korea is illegally occupying Dokdo, against which Japan has been consistently making strong protests" rather than simple historical approach. Thirdly, Their approaches seek to be succeeded the identity and importance of Territory Education to next generation rather than the present solving problem.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.28 no.4
• /
• pp.115-159
• /
• 2018

This paper situates 63 provinces of Vietnam on a two-dimensional governance space, according to their levels of both economic and political governance, and systematically explains the two-dimensional distribution of provincial governance. It presents three sets of explanatory factors: the amount of foreign direct investment (FDI) that each province has attracted, the combination of provincial urbanization and population density, and the North Central Coast region factor. Provinces that score high in both economic and political governance tend to have received a good amount of FDI and to be highly urbanized and densely populated whereas provinces that score low in both governance dimensions tend to have the opposite characteristics. Provinces that are high in economic governance but low in political governance are those that have received the greatest amount of FDI and tend to be highly urbanized yet relatively sparsely populated. Provinces that are high in political governance but low in economic governance are characterized by a relatively small amount of FDI, low urbanization, and high population density. Finally, provinces in the North Central Coast region tend to score very high in political governance.