• Digital Contents
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• no.6 s.85
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• pp.78-85
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• 2000

정보통신부의 후원과 한국데이타베이스진흥센터, 조선일보, 매일경제신문, 소프트웨어진흥원 주관으로 제정된 '디지털콘텐츠 대상' 시상식이 지난 5월 10일 정보통신부에서 개최되었다. 이날 시상식에서는 잡코리아와 웹시네마가 각각 수상했다. 수상자는 각사 대표들과 개발자 등 총 4명으로 이들은 안병엽 정보통신부 장관이 수여하는 상장과 상패를 받았다.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.49 no.4
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• pp.219-236
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• 2018

This study investigated the image of library in our society by analyzing newspaper articles related to libraries. A total of 3065 newspaper articles reported in Kyunghyang, Hankyoreh, Chosun, and Joongang from 2000 to 2017 were analyzed using time series analysis. The results of the time series analysis showed the number of newspaper articles related to library declined to a peak in 2009. Also, there were differences in the content of newspaper articles by year except for those content related to books. There were many articles about 'information' and 'use' in early 2000, about 'library operation and opening', 'culture' from 2006, and about 'residents of the area', 'culture' after 2012. These content of newspaper articles may reflects the image of library in our society. Finally, this study dis cussed practical ways of public library promotion.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.41
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• pp.232-267
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• 2008

This study is a comparative analysis of news frames between Chosunilbo and Hankyereh which have shown contrastive political attitude. The coverage of two political scandal, the Prime Minister Lee Haechan's golf happening and an Assemblyman of opposition party Choi Yeonhee's sexual harassment were analysed. The two political scandals were occurred one after the other and had some similarities. But two newspapers showed very contrastive frame on the two political scandals. On the Prime Minister Lee's scandal Chosunilbo showed politicizing frame, lobby golf frame, immorality frame, resignation frame. In contrast Hankyereh used depoliticization frame and human error frame. On the Assemblyman Choi's scandal Hankyereh showed politicizing frame, personal responsibility frame, immorality frame, resignation frame. But Chosunilbo used social responsibility frame and human error frame. In conclusion two newspapers showed very contrastive coverage according to the respective political attitude.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.35
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• pp.329-361
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• 2006

This study focuses those periods of Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung administration. This study tries to analyze any change in terms of ideological tendency and report attitude on the assessment of the government policy in the Korean newspapers from Kim Young-Sam to Kim Dae-Jung administration. Although these two civilian regimes were born after long periods of military dictatorship, there are many distinguished differences dividing these two. Kim Young-Sam could succeed through joining with the establishment of the power, while Kim Dae-Jung was elected as President through the horizontal shift of the power, opposition party becoming ruling party. Their power base was different. Another big difference is their North Korea policy. Kim Young-Sam administration's policy was conservative, while Kim Dae-Jung administration's policy was liberal. This study selected four Korean newspapers that represent each aspect of ideological spectrum in Korean media, and focused on the editorials of each paper as major analysis base. The four papers are Dong-a Ilbo, Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Hankyoreh. The study concludes that in terms of the report attitude on the assessment of the government policy, Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng were more critical under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. And Hankyoreh became more supportive of Kim Dae-Jung policy. In terms of the ideological tendency, four newspapers altogether did not change their ideological color regardless of the change in the administration. However conservative color became thinner( Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng) and liberal color became thicker(Hankyoreh) a little under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. Each newspaper tried to show their ideological tendency clearly in order to influence on government policy.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.15 no.6
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• pp.505-511
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to identify the characteristic of the length of sentence of sports news articles compared with other sections, other newspaper and sports events. In order to achieve this purpose, 4 daily newspapers(Chosun Ilbo, Dong-A Ilbo, Kyunghyang Shinmun and MKsports) were selected as research sources. The length of sentence of collected articles was analyzed by One way ANOVA and Scheffe as post-hoc. The results of these analyses are summarized into three as follows: First, the length of sentence of news articles has significant difference by sections. To put it concretely, the sentences in politics section were the longest, and then economy, editorials comes. The sports section has the shortest sentences. Second, the length of sports articles has significant difference by newspapers. In particular, MK sports which is a sports-oriented newspaper has the shortest in the length of sentence of sports articles than other newspapers such as Chosun, Dong-A and Kyunghyang. Third, the length of sentence of sports articles has significant differences by the sports events. More specifically golf is the longest, and then basketball, soccer and baseball follows.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.37
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• pp.237-269
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• 2007

This study examined how newspapers covered the 60th anniversary of the historical event, 8 15 Independence Day. Specifically, five newspapers from three countries were content-analyzed to see differences, if any, based on country level and political ideology of the newspaper. The findings showed that Japanese newspapers yielded less amount of coverage than those of Korea and China. The newspapers of Korea and China used straight news format, while Japanese newspapers used opinion news format. In terms of information source, Korean newspapers and Chinese newspapers mainly relied on the information from the government, while Japanese newspapers took the information from citizen. The difference also revealed that Korean newspapers focused on domestic situation frame and the other countries more emphasized past memory of the War times. Consequently, the three countries showed clearly different perspectives on the same historical event. These distinctions were caused from national interest rather than political ideology of the newspaper.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.37
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• pp.204-236
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• 2007

This study explores the corrections on the Korean and the U. S. daily newspapers for the characteristics and differences through the content analysis. For the research, Chosun Ilbo, Hankyoreh Shinmun, The New York Times and The San Francisco Chronicles are selected. The main differences between the Korean and American newspapers are as follows: Firstly, the average number of newspaper errors in Korean dailies are as half as little of those in the U. S. dailies. Secondly, regarding the subcategory of mistakes, the largest thematical number is the societal matters(36.0%), followed by politics(18.3%) and economy(12.1%) for the Korean newspapers. By contrast, errors in culture(17.4%) is the most frequently made by the American newspaper reporters and editors, followed by lifestyle(8.6%), and sports(7.0%). Thirdly, in terms of content of mistakes, errors in names(26.2%) that occurred the most, followed by misidentifications(18.1%) and misattribution(15.8%) for the Korean dailies; the errors in numbers(33.7%), spelling and typographical errors(12.1%) and date(5.6%) for the U. S. dailies. Fourthly, one of the critical reasons that mistakes occurred because Korean reporters are lack of double checking the stories; the U. S. reporters simply by overlooking the articles. Finally, the Korean newspapers make use of only two kinds of correction formats, while the U.S. newspapers use six different correction formats for their newspaper readers.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.175-193
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• 2011

This study explored how South Korean newspapers covered North Korea's second nuclear test in May of 2009. Findings show that South Korean newspapers mostly reported North Korea's nuclear experiment in relatively negative tones. Their coverage mainly focused on the influences of nuclear threat from the North on the military, political and economic areas in South Korea. However, the media's agenda settings and frames were not similar in terms of each paper's political and ideological inclination. Whereas the progressive papers, such as the Hankyoreh and the Kyunghyang Shinmun, recognized that the current nuclear issue in Korean peninsula is getting worse because of South Korea's rigorous pressure on North Korea, the conservative papers, such as the Chosun Ilbo and the Donga Ilbo, see that the deadlock between North and South mainly comes from the system malfunction of North Korea. To prevent the current impasse, the left-side papers emphasized to develop the six-party talk in dealing with North Korean issue, while the right-wing papers paid attentions to the West's sanctions on North Korea and ensuring national security.

• Korean Educational Research Journal
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.61-77
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• 2017

This study intends to capture the characteristics of the students and farmers who participated in the March $1^{st}$ Movement, by focusing on their statements in the interrogatories retrieved from the Source Book on the History of the Korean Liberation Movements, published by the National Institute of Korean History. First, this study examines the interrogatories in order to identify the people subject to the investigation. Through this research, this study confirms that the majority of those who were investigated were students in Seoul and farmers in Gyeonggi-do. Then, this study traces why they participated in the March $1^{st}$ Movement. This study compiles their complaints and checked how their "discontent" could be connected to "liberation." While students were mostly interested in "education," and clearly expressed their discontent, the farmers were discontent with their livelihoods and tax under the rule of the Governor-general of Joseon and were not as clear at expressing their discontent. The interrogatories also confirms that some Koreans had no complaints but thought that liberation was needed. It is difficult to classify such people, but some people cried out for liberation without knowing the meaning of the term, only to understand its meaning later in prison. The significance of the March $1^{st}$ movement was at times imparted after the movement ex post facto.

• Journal of Radiation Industry
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.37-46
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• 2015

This study examines mutual perceptions between general public and nuclear plant employees on understanding nuclear policy communication applying the co-orientation model. The total of 414 responses were analyzed including 211 of the general public and 203 of plant employees. Results indicate that agreement between general public and plant employees is relatively high, in that general public tends to have negative evaluation to nuclear policy communication, but plant employees tends to have positive one. In terms of congruence, general public perceive that plant employees might have more positive evaluation than themselves, and nuclear plant employees perceive that general public might have more negative evaluation than themselves. Finally, in terms of accuracy, general public accurately estimate how nuclear plant employees perceive on policy communication, whereas nuclear plant employees unaccurately estimate how general public perceive on policy communication.