• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.5
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• pp.658-668
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• 2019

The political influences of general programming channels have grown with the help of the current affairs talk programs for years but also these channels have been criticized as politically biased media. This study investigates the characteristics of the panels who had appeared for 6 months since July of 2017 and examines the relationship between the panels' talk and the position of political parties. The results show that jobs of the casting panels were introduced as neutral ones which are not related to politics. However, after reclassifying them in terms of their political careers, most panels were more likely to be involved in political parties. In addition, they tend to support the positions of the ruling or opposition parties. The more the association with the political party, the stronger the panel's comments. The partisanship of the panels should be clearly presented in the broadcasting programs. It is necessary to distinguish genres of current affair programs by consistent standards to ensure consistency of deliberation. Lastly self-regulation of program producers should be more strengthened.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.67-99
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• 2018

This study analyzes the revision bills of the National Assembly Law in the 19th National Assembly in which the National Assembly Advancement Act was enacted, with the question "who are involved in the revision of the procedural rules, and what motivates them?" The cosponsor network analysis focusing on primary sponsors of the revision bills shows that the network was constructed by party affiliations. A small number of members with high degree centrality attempted to cooperate with each other at the cosponsoring stage, but the legislation did not pass through the related committee. In addition, this study tests the four competitive hypotheses (the committee hypothesis, the distributive politics hypothesis, the ideological distance hypothesis, and the partisan affiliation hypothesis) about the motivation to propose amendments by using the regression models which include newly measured variables. Only the committee hypothesis and the partisan affiliation hypothesis are empirically supported. This implies that partisan consideration is still significant in amending the National Assembly Law even after the National Assembly Advancement Act, and thus party leaders' willingness to seek bipartisan compromises is at the heart of problem-solving.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.315-334
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• 2013

This study performs opinion mining of newspaper articles, based on topics extracted by topic modeling. We analyze the attitudes of the news media towards a major issue of 'presidential election', assuming that newspaper partisanship is a kind of opinion. We first extract topics from a large collection of newspaper texts, and examine how the topics are distributed over the entire dataset. The structure and content of each topic are then investigated by means of network analysis. Finally we track down the chronological distribution of the topics in each of the newspapers through time serial analysis. The result reveals that both the liberal newspapers and the conservative newspapers exhibit their own tendency to report in line with their adopted ideology. This confirms that we can count on opinion mining technique based on topics in order to analyze opinion in a reliable fashion.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.84
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• pp.152-188
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• 2017

This study stereotyped the media on the basis of ideological inclinations and media types and explored the news coverage through word analysis, network analysis, and frame analysis. There was no difference between conservative media and progressive media in terms of the amount of news. The conservative mainstream media considered the THAAD rumor as an unnecessary misunderstanding and a rumor based conflict of the south-south. The progressive mainstream media mentioned much about Hwang Gyoan, external influences, and lies and highlighted the government's opinion that there was external influence that spread a vicious rumor. Conservative media mentioned on the bringing about social disturbance and in case of progressive media mentioned social disturbance, and progressive media mentioned the responsibility of government and the attitude of conservative media about the diffusion of the rumor. In conclusion the press framed the THAAD rumor on the basis of their ideological inclinations instead of the role of journalist.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.45-78
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• 2019

This study examines the relationship between individuals' perceptions on party conflict and affective polarization. It pays particular attention to party identification as a moderating variable. Using a survey conducted in the context of the 2014 Korean local election, the present study hypothesizes that perceiving serious inter-party conflict in the political arena is likely to increase negative feelings toward out-group political party among partisans only. Not only do the results confirm our hypothesis but suggest that conflict perception leads to affective polarization among partisan voters. This paper contributes to our understanding of the mechanism that links the attribution of blame to out-group political party for legislative gridlock with ever-growing affective polarization of the electorate.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.9-35
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• 2016

This research focuses on how political talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun provoke strong, negative emotions, such as anger or loathing, towards certain parties, politicians and groups only, and tries to explain what's the relation to Korean democracy crisis under the circumstances. Those talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun, predominantly about anger and loathing towards oppositions, opposition politicians and pro-North Korea people, have contributed to practical exclusion of the citizens from the political process by their imaginary political participation rather than a role as a democratic public sphere, so they have functioned very well in order to sustain the system of Korean democracy as a way of 'the politics of exclusion', and have been retained regardless of their commercial success for the reason. In other words, the Korean democracy has systematically excluded every citizen and amplified ideological conflicts, and in that chaos of excessively produced emotions, has dealt with all the crucial matters using political technology, which is a serious problem. However, for the good of the political power who wants to keep such kind of political system, this became a reason why those Channel A and TV Chosun shows-sensational and politically biased-have survived, and since Channel A and TV Chosun are remarkably functional within the continuance of that political system they can keep being influential in politics.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.7
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• pp.352-367
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• 2020

This study critically reviewed whether the South Korean press reported the issue of conflict between South Korea and Japan in a way consistent with their journalistic values. To this end, this study conducted frame analysis and textual analysis for the articles of three press(Chosun Ilbo, Hankyoreh and KBS) from the three major branches of conflict (Korea's Supreme Court's ruling on forced labor compensation in October 2018, the Japanese government's decision to regulate exports in July 2019 and the Korean government's decision to end GSOMIA in August 2019) to one week. There were many superficial reports of simply relaying conflicts around the occurrence and outcome of events, and there were few reports that analyzed the context in depth or suggested alternatives. And partisan reporting, which is cited as a key issue in the Korean journalism, has been strongly revealed in the midst of a conflict between Korea and Japan, a national emergency situation.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.80
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• pp.40-114
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• 2016

This work critically explores the so-called "Hell-Chosun" phenomenon which has gained much attention and responses in contemporary South Korea. The younger generation came to coin and utilize this new linguistic expression as well as poignant parody as a way of releasing their anger, cynicism, and frustration in the context of the omnipresent fierce competitions, deepening social instability, and job-related shrinking possibilities. The 'Hell-Chosun' phenomenon can be considered as a much complicated manifestation of the structures of feeling for the part of many younger generation South Koreans. This paper especially examines the varying representation of this phenomenon by established dailies through an in-depth textual analysis of newspaper articles, opinion pieces and reviews, as well as special issues. In doing so, this work examines the multiple implications of this particular socio-cultural phenomenon in a detailed and critical fashion.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.5-35
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• 2020

This article purposes to investigate opening process of the 21st National Assembly in the middle of severe conflicts between two major-parties, and predict the changes it will bring to the operation of the National Assembly. With incumbent party's taking all leadership positions of standing committees, it broke the practice since 13th National Assembly, that is, distribution of the standing committees based on the seat-ratio. It means that our National Assembly has entered a new phase in the decision-making process. While the incumbent party, with overwhelming victory in general election, emphasizes that it should dominate legislative process to support the government, the out-party claims that they should take leverage to check over government. Two opposing trends are characteristically observed in the operation of the Korean National Assembly. First of all, due to the experience under authoritarian regimes, the National Assembly has been institutionalizing decision-making processes in the direction of enforcing cooperation between parties. On the other hand, the polarization in political parties has been stronger, making it difficult to reach consensus between parties. This article claims strongly that the 21st National Assembly need to find a balance amid such two-conflicting trends. To do so, three necessary conditions are proposed: observing decision-making procedures, securing diversity within party and National Assembly, and deliberative legislative activities.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.391-406
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• 2024

The current distribution of digital news has the potential to produce politically biased information for users as a result of individual choices and media selection based on those choices. Consequently, this research explored the factors affecting individual news selection and the effects of opinion changes and political participation that can occur when news tailored to users' partisan preferences is recommended. The phenomenon of selective exposure has been shown to be stronger when individuals utilize more limited information processing, experience higher discussion efficacy among groups with similar political beliefs. Furthermore, When a selective exposure group was randomly provided with a one-way message news that matched their partisan leanings, it was found that opinion consolidation, opinion-reinforcing information processing, and online political participation. On the other hand, when they were randomly presented with two-way messaging news in which the media balanced two competing partisan positions, they were found to be more likely to understand the other side's views and arguments, and more willing to adjust their existing opinions. We are confirmed that the balanced use of various opinions is very important in deliberative democratic process.